Visayas Command, AFP

Visayas Command, AFP Your Reliable Armed Forces in the Visayas! In September 1962, it was reorganized to become the 3rd Military Area or the 3rd Brigade of the Philippine Army.

The Visayas Command of the Armed Forces of the Philippines traces its roots from the former 3rd Military Area that was activated on May 17, 1942, at the height of the Second World War. Little is told about its existence but some history annals are replete with narratives on how its four military districts covering Panay Island; Negros; Cebu and Bohol; and Samar and Leyte, the 3rd Military Area und

er Colonel Juan K Causing played an important role for the liberation of the Visayas by organizing the Filipino resistance against the Japanese occupation. As the Cebuanos commemorate yearly the landing of US troops at the beach of Talisay, 4 miles South of Cebu City, on March 26, 1945, they also remember the heroism of more than 8,000 Filipino soldiers and guerillas who fought alongside the American forces to liberate Cebu, Bohol and Negros from the hands of the Japanese Forces. About 3,600 Filipino soldiers and guerillas died and thousands more were wounded before Cebu was totally liberated in July 1945. Facing internal security threat after the 2nd World War, the 3rd Military Area under Brigadier General Cornelio Bondad reconstituted in March 1954 to take operational control of the Philippine Army and the Philippine Constabulary units in the Visayas against the Hukbalahap forces. With the newly activated 5th Infantry Division of the Philippine Army under its control, the 3rd Military Area deployed Battalion Combat Teams in the different islands in the Visayas. The Command saw one of its glorious years after its reorganization in 1970 to become the 3rd Infantry Brigade Separate, Philippine Army. While maintaining its Headquarters in Cebu, this Command in 1973, then under Brigadier General Fortunato Abat, deployed four of its battalions to form the Central Mindanao Command CEMCOM that featured in famous battles at the Tran-Lebak Complex in Sultan Kudarat breaking the backbone of the rebellion. With its proven mettle in combat and in rebuilding communities affected by the raging conflict, the Command was upgraded to become the 3rd Infantry Division of the Philippine Army in 1974. Three of its infantry battalions that were deployed in Mindanao were awarded with the Presidential Streamer Award by then President Ferdinand Edralin Marcos for their outstanding feat in both combat and non-combat operations. The creation of the regional unified commands as controlling operational headquarters for counter-insurgency operations in every region in 1981 and the subsequent transfer of the 3rd Infantry Division Headquarters to the Island of Panay in 1986, in effect, dissipated and disrupted the services and history of this Command until the activation of the Visayas Command (VISCOM) on March 29, 1988. On 01 December 2001, VISCOM was renamed Central Command as it was reorganized from an Area Command into a Unified Command. However, following its rich history from the time of its activation. Central Command was reverted back to its name as Visayas Command on 07 July 2021 with the primary mission of conducting prompt and sustained joint air, sea, and land operations, including military operations in the whole Visayas region. For the task of securing more than 18 million people in three regions; 16 provinces; 39 cities and 369 municipalities, VISCOM employs two Joint Task Forces: the Joint Task Force Spear stationed in Camp Macario B Peralta in Jamindan, Capiz, and the Joint Task Force Storm in Camp Vicente Lukban, Catbalogan City, Samar. The Naval and Airforce component units, the Naval Forces Central in Naval Base Rafael Ramos in Lapu-lapu City, and the Tactical Operations Wing Central of the Philippine Airforce which is stationed at Brigadier General Benito N Ebuen Air Base in Mactan, Cebu, and the Army's 53rd Engineer Brigade for combat support operations and engineering civic action programs.

03/06/2026
31/05/2026

VISCOM, AFP - St. Jude Thaddeus Sunday Live Mass

29/05/2026

We understand what the widow of slain Filipino-American activist Lyle Prijoles is going through. Losing a loved one in such tragic circumstances as what Lyle went through in Toboso, Negros Occidental, on April 19, 2026, is difficult to accept.

We do not doubt the genuine concern of Lyle for the people of Negros and his desire to help free them from the chains of poverty and injustice. We admire him for that but we just do not agree with his decision to take up arms to achieve this.

Whether Lyle’s widow accepts it or not, her husband chose to die for what he strongly believed in. And he died fighting alongside members of the communist New People’s Army (NPA)—a foreign terrorist organization as far as the governments of the Philippines, the United States, and several others are concerned.

There is no need to blame President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., Vice President Sarah Duterte, Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro and other officials of the Republic of the Philippines for the death of Lyle and the 18 other individuals who fell with him.

It should be the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) that should take the blame for the fiasco in Toboso. Nineteen people ended up dead because wrong decisions were made by them and wrong orders were given to them.

Government forces were there to protect the people from elements who have been behind the campaign of terror in Northern Negros that has claimed the lives of more than 50 defenseless civilians in the past several years.

Government forces should not be blamed because Lyle Prijoles, Kai Sorem, RJ Ledesma, Alyssa Alano, and the other supposed civilians chose to be with armed NPA regulars in the series of encounters that took place in Toboso that day.

As we have been pointing out in the past several weeks, they may still be alive today if they chose to separate themselves from the armed group led by wanted NPA leader Roger Fabillar. They had several opportunities to do so but they chose to remain with the group.

Lyle and the others may still be alive today if they chose to surrender to government forces who gave them the chance to peacefully turn themselves in several times but they chose to heed Fabillar’s order to hold the line and responded by firing back at government troops.

And so, while we understand what the widow of Lyle Prijoles is going through, it would also help her if she tries to see the other side of the story behind her husband’s death in the Philippines.

She should try to see beyond the lies that she is being told and ask those who are trying to weaponize her grief why her husband was sacrificed in Toboso and not saved by the very people who convinced him to take the path of armed struggle.

READ || RESIBO: Negros is the Epicenter of NPA Spy-Tagging Killings of Civilians
26/05/2026

READ || RESIBO: Negros is the Epicenter of NPA Spy-Tagging Killings of Civilians

𝗥𝗘𝗦𝗜𝗕𝗢: 𝗡𝗲𝗴𝗿𝗼𝘀 𝗜𝘀 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗘𝗽𝗶𝗰𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗲𝗿 𝗼𝗳 𝗡𝗣𝗔 𝗦𝗽𝘆-𝗧𝗮𝗴𝗴𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗞𝗶𝗹𝗹𝗶𝗻𝗴𝘀 𝗼𝗳 𝗖𝗶𝘃𝗶𝗹𝗶𝗮𝗻𝘀

The bloodstained truth can no longer be hidden behind propaganda, slogans, and carefully manufactured “human rights” narratives.

From 2021 to May 2026 alone, at least 59 documented spy-tagging killings and summary executions perpetrated by the CPP-NPA-NDF have been recorded across the country. Of these, an overwhelming 51 victims were killed in the Negros Island Region — 41 in Negros Occidental and 10 in Negros Oriental.

Of the 51 civilians killed by the NPA in Negros over the past five years, 49 were murdered from January 2025 to May 2026 alone — consisting of 39 victims in Negros Occidental and 10 victims in Negros Oriental.

This means that nearly nine out of every ten victims recorded nationwide from 2025 to the present were killed in Negros, exposing it as the epicenter of the CPP-NPA-NDF’s campaign of terror against civilians accused of being “informants” or condemned by their so-called “kangaroo courts” against the very people they deceptively vowed to protect.

These are not fabricated stories. These are names, lives, families, and futures violently erased under the CPP-NPA-NDF’s so-called “revolutionary justice” — a euphemism for cold-blooded murder.

The list still does not include more than 20 other reported cases involving civilians and government troops who were similarly executed with impunity, the details of which are still being collated and validated. In all, the victims may even reach 85 in Negros alone and nearly 90 nationwide during the period.

The victims were not faceless statistics. They were farmers, laborers, tricycle drivers, barangay tanods, church workers, former rebels, indigenous peoples leaders, former CAFGU members, former barangay officials, senior citizens, and ordinary civilians trapped in conflict-affected communities.

Among those brutally slain were Jimmy Himay in Southern Leyte in 2021; Councilor Dennis Sadagnot in Negros Oriental in 2024; forest guard Elberto Ancero, barangay tanod Efren Solinap, farmer Rickne Daipal, habal-habal driver Jury Gane, and dried fish vendor Elias Palay in 2025; as well as church worker Rey Norquiana, 72-year-old former barangay official Rodulfo Fajardo, farmer Jemar Mahusay, and former rebel Joseph Agustin in 2026.

One of the most disturbing cases was the killing of 74-year-old Lola Leonora Anguit, a civilian resident of Barangay Tapi, Kabankalan City, Negros Occidental, who was murdered on February 3, 2026 after being accused of being an “informant.” Records show that she was summarily executed in Barangay Tapi, with the killing shamelessly and arrogantly claimed by the notorious Armando Sumayang Jr. Command (ASJC) of the NPA.

Lola Leonora was not killed in combat. She was not an armed fighter. Her death further exposes the CPP-NPA-NDF’s horrifying practice of branding civilians as “informants” to justify executions outside any lawful judicial process. The murder of civilians like Anguit, along with scores of others, demonstrates how the terrorist movement weaponizes fear and suspicion to maintain control over vulnerable rural communities.

Following the April 19, 2026 Toboso encounter, at least four more civilians were treacherously killed in Negros by remnants of the NPA. These included Lindio Alvino, a 42-year-old civilian murdered on April 22, 2026 in Sipalay City, Negros Occidental; Jemar Mahusay, a 53-year-old farmer executed on May 5, 2026 in Calatrava, Negros Occidental; Gerry Baitan, another 53-year-old farmer killed on May 13, 2026 in Calatrava, Negros Occidental; and Joseph Agustin, a 38-year-old former rebel slain on May 19, 2026 in Binalbagan, Negros Occidental.

These civilian victims were publicly accused of being “informants” before being summarily executed. Others were condemned by self-proclaimed “kangaroo courts” that possess absolutely no legal, constitutional, or moral authority, yet arrogantly assume the roles of prosecutor, judge, and executioner all at once.

This is the brutal reality the CPP-NPA-NDF and their front organizations, enablers and purveyors desperately try to conceal from the public.

They loudly invoke human rights whenever armed rebels are neutralized during legitimate armed encounters, yet they remain disturbingly silent whenever poor farmers, laborers, indigenous peoples, church workers, and ordinary civilians are executed by their own movement.

Their hypocrisy is staggering. Their silence is complicity.

As we have repeatedly stated, Negros stands today as perhaps the clearest evidence of the moral bankruptcy of the armed communist movement. The concentration of killings in the island exposes the true face of the so-called “people’s war” that victimizes the people of Negros themselves.

It was never about liberating the people. It was about controlling communities through fear, suspicion, coercion, and violence.

For years, entire villages in Negros lived under an atmosphere where anyone accused of cooperating with government, refusing revolutionary taxation, surrendering from the armed movement, or simply disagreeing with the CPP-NPA-NDF could be marked for death.

Again, this is neither patriotism nor activism. This is not dissent. This is organized murder directed against civilians with sheer impunity.

The repeated pattern of executions across Negros reveals a systematic machinery of terror intended to preserve the shrinking influence of the armed movement. As the CPP-NPA-NDF continues to suffer operational and political defeats, its violence against civilians has become even more vicious and desperate.

The Commission on Human Rights (CHR) must no longer remain selectively vocal on these civilian killings perpetrated by the remnants of the NPA.

The CHR must act with dispatch, fulfill its universal mandate, and demonstrate equal resolve in condemning and investigating these executions. Human rights are not exclusive to armed rebels, activists, or ideological allies. Human rights belong equally to poor farmers, church workers, tricycle drivers, laborers, former rebels, barangay officials, and ordinary civilians murdered in remote communities.

The Filipino people deserve consistency, fairness, and truth.

The continued silence, foot-dragging even, on these spy-tagging killings only emboldens the perpetrators and deepens the suffering of already terrorized communities.

Finally, we reiterate our appeal: it is high time for the CHR to decisively put its foot down, demand accountability, and stand with the victims and their grieving families instead of allowing these atrocities to disappear beneath propaganda and ideological noise.

𝗨𝘀𝗲𝗰. 𝗘𝗿𝗻𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗼 𝗖. 𝗧𝗼𝗿𝗿𝗲𝘀 𝗝𝗿.
𝗘𝘅𝗲𝗰𝘂𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲 𝗗𝗶𝗿𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗼𝗿
𝗡𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗦𝗲𝗰𝗿𝗲𝘁𝗮𝗿𝗶𝗮𝘁, 𝗡𝗧𝗙-𝗘𝗟𝗖𝗔𝗖

The attached documentation contains the names, dates, locations, circumstances, and details of the victims of these spy-tagging killings and summary executions perpetrated by the CPP-NPA from 2021 to 2026.

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1MyULp2VyQIM0VSI0INMqo2k7PwL365yU/view?usp=drive_link

24/05/2026

St. Jude Thaddeus Sunday Live Mass

LOOK || Ruling on CERNET is not blanket immunity for enablers of armed violence
21/05/2026

LOOK || Ruling on CERNET is not blanket immunity for enablers of armed violence

𝗥𝘂𝗹𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗼𝗻 𝗖𝗘𝗥𝗡𝗘𝗧 𝗶𝘀 𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝗯𝗹𝗮𝗻𝗸𝗲𝘁 𝗶𝗺𝗺𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝗲𝗻𝗮𝗯𝗹𝗲𝗿𝘀 𝗼𝗳 𝗮𝗿𝗺𝗲𝗱 𝘃𝗶𝗼𝗹𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲

The National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict respects the recent ruling of the Regional Trial Court in Cebu City which dismissed the terrorism financing case filed against the Community Empowerment Resource Network (CERNET), its officers, staff, and council members. Our courts remain independent institutions of our democracy. Whether favorable or unfavorable to government cases, their decisions must always be respected within the framework of the rule of law. That is how our institutions are supposed to function.

At the same time, the public deserves clarity on what this dismissal actually means. Based on available information regarding the ruling, the case was dismissed because of legal and procedural questions involving the applicability of certain provisions of the anti-terror financing law of 2012.

It must be made clear that the ruling did not settle the larger historical question of whether support networks for the CPP-NPA-NDF existed. It also did not invalidate the State’s responsibility to investigate allegations related to terrorism financing when warranted by evidence.

For decades, the country confronted an armed communist insurgency that did not survive on armed encounters or underground networks alone. It also relied on aboveground recruitment structures, logistical support, resource generation both here and abroad, and mainstream political machinery. Even former cadres, organizers, and rebels who have returned to mainstream society openly testified to these realities over the years. These accounts came from people who once operated inside the movement itself, and they are not mere inventions of the government or the security sector.

We must see through the current noise being peddled by those who celebrate the dismissal so that discussions will remain balanced and honest. The taskforce holds these fundamental truths regarding the nation’s continued fight against the communist insurgency: that activism is not terrorism, that humanitarian work is not a crime, and that criticism of government policies is part of democratic life and should remain protected.

But here lies the rub: it is equally irresponsible to insist that all investigations involving insurgency financing are automatically harassment or political persecution. A democratic state cannot simply ignore allegations because the personalities involved belong to NGOs, advocacy groups, or legal organizations.The CPP itself has consistently claimed it utilizes the democratic spaces of non-government work, advocacy, and legal fronts to further its aim to topple the Philippine state.

In the face of this recent dismissal, the danger now is the CPP-NPA-NDF’s attempt to turn this temporary setback into an absolutist political narrative. Some groups are already portraying the ruling as proof that every counterterrorism financing case filed by the government is fabricated, malicious, or illegitimate from the beginning.
That conclusion is both devoid of legal merit and common sense. Cases are dismissed for many reasons, including procedural defects, jurisdictional questions, weak evidence, or evolving legal interpretations. That is part of due process of justice.

And the interest of justice, the experiences of communities that suffered through decades of conflict, the millions of farmers subjected to revolutionary taxation, indigenous peoples exploited in the name of self-determination, civilians and barangay officials threatened or assassinated, former rebels who endured internal purges, and young Filipinos recruited into violence must also be highlighted. Their stories should not disappear simply because public discourse has become polarized between “security” and “rights” camps.

The government remains confident that as more communities continue to reject the CPP-NPA-NDF, including its hardline legal and political mouthpieces, and as its armed capability steadily deteriorates from repeated battlefield defeats, internal disillusionment, desertions, and the continuing surrender of its cadres and leaders, the law will eventually catch up with those who enabled, sustained, or justified decades of armed violence under the guise of revolutionary struggle.

The NTF-ELCAC also reiterates that abuses, fabricated evidence, and violations of human rights have no place in a democratic society and must always be investigated properly.

Accountability applies to everyone. That includes state actors, armed groups, and organizations that operate within legal democratic spaces.

Ultimately, the Filipino people deserve both democratic freedoms and protection from armed violence. These are not opposing principles. They must exist together if we are serious about building a peace that is lawful, just, and lasting.

Usec. Ernesto C Torres Jr.
Executive Director
NTF-ELCAC

CPP-NPA EXPOSES TERROR GROOMING AMONG YOUTHIn a significant development that further exposes the deteriorating state of ...
21/05/2026

CPP-NPA EXPOSES TERROR GROOMING AMONG YOUTH

In a significant development that further exposes the deteriorating state of the CPP-NPA in the Visayas, the Apolinario Gatmaitan Command of the New People’s Army – Negros Island Regional Operational Command, through its propaganda platform "Red Erecre," publicly confirmed that Vince Francis Dingding, one of the personalities neutralized during the May 16 encounter in Cauayan, Negros Occidental, was one of its official members. Beyond mere membership, the group admitted that Dingding served as the Secretary of the Southwest Negros Guerilla Front, a position that underscores his active participation in the CPP-NPA's underground operations and propaganda machinery.

The truth can no longer be concealed. The admission itself strongly validates the intelligence reports conducted by the AFP and the sustained momentum of focused military operations in Negros Island. It highlights the continuing collapse of the terrorist group's organizational structure as its key personalities are gradually neutralized and its movement steadily loses its grip.

The case of Dingding is a clear manifestation of how the CPP-NPA systematically preys upon, corrupts, and exploits the youth for its violent ideological agenda. Behind their deceptive narratives lies a dangerous pattern of terror grooming that manipulates young minds, destroys futures, and severs family ties. Young individuals are deceived and radicalized, turning them into instruments of conflict while drawing them away from their families in pursuit of armed struggle. In doing so, the CPP-NPA exposes its complete disregard for the sanctity of life, family, and the very future of the Filipino youth it falsely claims to defend.

A Call to Return to the Folds of the Law

As the truth continues to unfold, the government reiterates its call for the remaining members of the terrorist group to return to the folds of the law. There is still hope beyond armed struggle. The door for peaceful reintegration remains open, offering opportunities to rebuild lives, reunite with families, and start anew. Let us remain united in protecting the youth and securing a future where lasting peace and stability prevail across the Visayas region.

(Photo from 3CRG, CMOC, AFP)

Philippine Army Spearhead Troopers
8th Infantry "Stormtroopers" Division, Philippine Army
Naval Forces Central
TowCen PAF
53ʳᵈ Engineer Brigade, Philippine Army

21/05/2026

WATCH || Press Conference on Toboso Encounter

21/05/2026

IN THE NEWS || Hon Kelly Quijada, Brgy Chairperson of Brgy Capitol Site, Cebu City belied the claims of some militant groups that the family of Vince Francis Dingding was harassed and intimidated, forcing them to issue or sign a letter not to accept the cadaver of their son.

https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1CWrF4VFmn/

20/05/2026

“FACT-FINDING MISSION” 𝗣𝗘𝗥𝗢 𝗛𝗔𝗟𝗔𝗧𝗔𝗡𝗚 𝗢𝗡𝗘 𝗦𝗜𝗗𝗘𝗗.

Hindi maituturing na fully neutral ang nasabing “fact finding mission” dahil pinangunahan at sinuportahan ito ng mga organisasyong matagal nang may malinaw na political at ideological position laban sa gobyerno at sa mga security forces. Kabilang dito ang INTERNATIONAL COALITION FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE PHILIPPINES, KARAPATAN, at UMA, mga grupong matagal nang inaakusahan ng paggamit ng HUMAN RIGHTS narrative para siraan ang operasyon ng estado laban sa insurgency.

Mapapansin na agad nilang ginamit ang mabibigat na terminong tulad ng “MASSACRE” at “WAR CRIMES” kahit wala pang kumpleto at malinaw na FORENSIC EVIDENCE, BALLISTIC ANALYSIS, o independent technical validation. Imbes na facts ang mauna, mas nauuna ang political framing at emosyonal na narrative para agad mahatak ang public opinion laban sa mga sundalo.

Isa sa pinakamalaking isyu ay ang pilit na pagpapakita sa ilang indibidwal bilang “PURE CIVILIANS” habang binabalewala ang mga impormasyon at intelligence reports na may posibleng koneksyon o support role ang ilan sa mga ito sa armadong kilusan ng CPP NPA NDF. Hindi bagong taktika ang paggamit ng CIVILIAN FRONT at MASS ORGANIZATIONS para takpan o linisin ang mga may ugnay sa insurgency.

May mga pahayag din mula sa ilang LGU officials, kabilang ang mga opisyal ng probinsya, munisipyo, barangay, at maging ilang residente mismo, na nagsasabing walang ordinaryong coordinated civilian activity sa lugar at may mga personalidad umano roong kasama o sumasama sa armadong grupo ng NPA na ngayo’y pilit inilalarawan bilang purong sibilyan. Dahil dito, lalo lamang lumalalim ang duda ng publiko sa kung gaano ka balanced ang ginagawang presentasyon ng ilang advocacy groups.

May mga bahagi rin ng ulat na hindi magkatugma at may magkakasalungat na detalye sa paglalarawan ng mga tao at pangyayari, bagay na nakakaapekto sa overall credibility ng presentasyon. Imbes na balanced investigation, mas nagmumukha itong PRE DETERMINED NARRATIVE na nakatutok sa pagpapahina ng tiwala ng publiko sa AFP at sa mga lehitimong operasyon kontra terorismo.

Hindi rin maiiwasang mapansin na ang ganitong klase ng mga ulat ay madalas gamitin para makalikom ng LOCAL AT INTERNATIONAL DONATIONS, GRANTS, at foreign support sa pamamagitan ng pagpipinta sa Pilipinas bilang isang bansang may malawak na “STATE ABUSES.” Habang mas pinapalaki ang narrative ng HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS, mas lumalakas din ang pagpasok ng pondo, media attention, at international pressure na nagiging pabor sa kanilang advocacy networks.

Sa kabuuan, mas makatarungang tingnan ito bilang isang ADVOCACY DRIVEN REPORT na may malinaw na political direction, hindi bilang final at impartial fact finding result. Kailangan pa rin ng tunay na INDEPENDENT, BALANCED, at EVIDENCE BASED na imbestigasyon para lumabas ang buong katotohanan sa insidente.

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