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Fort Simpson Métis Nation Official government page of the Fort Simpson Métis Nation. We share our heritage, culture, news and information for Métis, Dehcho & the public.

As historic Métis, we continue our legacy through governance, cultural preservation & advancing Métis rights.

https://warriorpublications.wordpress.com/2015/09/30/knives-and-daggers-of-the-pacific-northwest-coast/The material hist...
10/16/2026

https://warriorpublications.wordpress.com/2015/09/30/knives-and-daggers-of-the-pacific-northwest-coast/

The material history of the Pacific Northwest Coast and the subarctic interior has frequently been flattened by colonial historiography into a binary narrative of pre-contact lithic stasis disrupted by sudden European technological introduction. This rigid framework collapses under a rigorous examination of the regional material record, oral histories, and metallurgical science. Decades before the North West Company established its presence in the central interior of what is now British Columbia, highly sophisticated networks of trade, innovation, and indigenous metallurgy actively shaped the socio-political landscapes of the region. At the convergence of these networks stands the legacy of Chief Kw’eh, a dominant keyohwhudachun, or territorial chief, of the Dakelh Dene within the Stuart Lake country. The history of Kw’eh’s iron dagger, both the original eighteenth-century weapon and its subsequent nineteenth-century material incarnation, serves as an empirical lens into a profound technological continuum. This lineage spans from ancient lithic microblade production and indigenous copper sawing to complex organic chemical preservation and the strategic enforcement of indigenous legal custom against early NWC fur traders.

The emergence of metal daggers in the northern interior did not occur in a technological vacuum; it was built upon a deep lithic foundation that prioritized precision, mobility, and material efficiency. Throughout the Holocene, northern latitudes across Alaska, the Yukon, and the British Columbia interior relied heavily on microblade technology. This process involved striking small, parallel-sided blades from carefully prepared cores of chert, obsidian, or chalcedony, which were then slotted into organic shafts of bone or antler to create highly lethal, composite hunting tools. This established a cultural memory centered on the production of specialized, razor-sharp edges and the intensive trade of rare raw materials across vast geographic zones. When native metals became accessible, indigenous toolmakers integrated these materials directly into this existing framework. Native copper, sourced primarily as placer nuggets from the volcanic basalts of the Copper River Basin in south-central Alaska, was traded extensively across linguistic boundaries. On the coast, the Tlingit Dene developed a highly distinct method of metalworking that was essentially an extension of traditional stoneworking techniques. Rather than smelting or practicing high-temperature forging, Tlingit Dene smiths treated native copper as a mineralogical specimen. Using sandstone slabs and basalt cortex flakes as hand-held stone saws, they literally sliced large sections of copper into flat, raw templates. This cold-sawing technique left distinct longitudinal tool-marks and preserved the massive, natural dendritic twinned crystals within the copper, often measuring up to a half-inch in diameter, without the structural distortion or stress-hardening caused by hammer compaction. To structurally reinforce these long, flat blades, smiths ground separate copper ribs to fit tightly along the narrow top faces, securing them with tiny cylindrical pins and meticulously executed thin films of trade solder.

Conversely, the interior Athabaskan-speaking peoples, including the Gwich'in Dene, Ahtna Dene, and Deg Hit'an Dene of the Yukon and upper MacKenzie systems, developed an entirely separate, full Chalcolithic tradition. Unlike the stone-sawing methods of the coast, these interior hunters utilized genuine forging techniques, working native copper over charcoal beds with stone hammers and anvils. Through repeated cycles of heating, hammering, and deliberate stress-hardening, they shaped thin, exceptionally light daggers. These interior blades were highly standardized, characterized by a single piece of metal that split at the proximal end into two tightly ground, elegant spirals. While coastal daggers evolved primarily as heavy, specialized weapons of prestige and warfare, the double-spiral daggers of the Gwich'in Dene, Ahtna Dene, and Deg Hit'an Dene served fundamentally as vital hunting and skinning implements, with the smooth, rounded outer edges of the spirals designed precisely to separate hide from carcass.

The maritime climate of the Pacific Northwest Coast presents a highly corrosive environment, where constant sea spray and dense humidity rapidly degrade exposed metals. Despite these conditions, historical indigenous copper and steel weapons in museum collections show a remarkable, long-term resistance to oxidization. Microscopic and chemical analyses reveal that this preservation was the result of a deliberate, sophisticated understanding of organic chemistry: the application of fish-oil chelation. In indigenous coastal communities, the extraction and purification of fish oil, particularly from lipid-rich species like eulachon, was a fundamental winter industry, often executed by boiling massive quantities of fish with heated cobblestones in large dugout canoes. Artisans discovered that treating freshly finished, raw metal surfaces with these unsaturated oils initiated a complex chemical transformation. Fish oils act as natural chelating agents, containing long-chain organic carbohydrates with multiple double bonds within their carbon chains. These double bonds represent chemically unstable, unsatisfied valences. When applied to a meticulously cleaned metal surface, the organic molecules attach themselves to the surface cations through a series of multi-bonded molecular links, effectively clutching the metal like microscopic claws. This process formed a remarkably dense, durable, and chemically stable surface film that was permanently bonded into the outer molecular layers of the weapon. This ancestral technique not only highlighted the internal dendritic crystal boundaries of the metal for aesthetic display but also provided a deep, rich brown or blue-black finish that functioned as a highly effective barrier against moisture and atmospheric corrosion.

It was within this interconnected network of coastal prestige weapons and interior trade corridors that the political legacy of Chief Kw’eh’s dagger emerged. Born around 1755, Kw’eh rose to prominence as the principal keyohwhudachun of the Nak’azdli Dene, a division of the Dakelh Dene whose ancestral territories dictated control over vital waterways along the Stuart River and Stuart Lake. In the late eighteenth century, the central interior of British Columbia was completely free of direct European occupancy, yet it was deeply tied to global maritime trade through indigenous intermediaries. Around 1775, as a young nobleman, Kw’eh traveled westward to Hagwilget, a major canyon village on the lower Bulkley River. There, he acquired a prestigious iron dagger from an ancestral duneza, or nobleman. This transaction occurred within a deep historic lineage of prestige trade; decades prior, Kw’eh’s maternal grandfather, Na’kwoel, had acquired the very first iron adze blade in the region around 1730 at a village near Hazelton from Gitxsan Dene and Tsimshian Dene (middlemen, who had intercepted the metal from early maritime or shipwreck sources). Kwah’s acquisition of the iron dagger marked a major shift in the local balance of power. To validate his ownership of this highly prized object and solidify his rising hereditary status, Kw’eh hosted a major ceremonial potlatch, displaying the weapon publicly. A few years later, during a period of inter-group conflict, Kw’eh carried this specific blade into a revenge raid against a southern Nazko Dene's village, using it to kill a warrior named Ts’oh Dai, an act that permanently cemented the weapon’s identity as an instrument of sovereign territorial defense.

Following the establishment of the North West Company post at Fort St. James on Stuart Lake in 1806—which was later absorbed by the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1821—the geopolitical dynamic of the region shifted toward an uneasy cohabitation between indigenous resource laws and corporate fur-trade interests. This tension culminated in a historic standoff in the summer of 1828 that altered the trajectory of colonial administration in western Canada. While Chief Kw’eh was away from the village, a Dakelh man named Zulth-nolly was discovered at Nak’azdli. Zulth-nolly had been implicated in the killing of two North West Company employees several years prior, an act tied to unresolved inter-cultural legal grievances. In a swift enforcement of colonial corporate retribution, a young Hudson’s Bay Company clerk named James Douglas led a detachment of armed men into the village, located Zulth-nolly, and executed him on the spot.

Upon his return, Chief Kw’eh viewed this unilateral ex*****on within his immediate territory as a profound violation of indigenous sovereignty and an insult to his structural obligations as keyohwhudachun, which demanded that he protect all individuals residing under his geographic jurisdiction. Kw’eh marched directly into the fortified Hudson’s Bay Company post accompanied by a large body of armed followers. Confronting Douglas within the post’s main quarters, Kw’eh’s men quickly disarmed the clerks, bound Douglas, and demanded immediate, formal material compensation to settle the blood-debt according to traditional Dakelh Dene's legal codes. Oral histories preserved by Nak’azdli elders and recorded in the late nineteenth century by the Oblate missionary Father Adrien Morice state that during this intense standoff, Kw’eh’s historic iron dagger was drawn and held directly over Douglas. Just as his followers pressed for an immediate ex*****on, Kw’eh intervened, opting to spare Douglas's life once corporate pledges of restitution and property compensation were secured. This encounter heavily shook the Hudson’s Bay Company’s administrative confidence, forcing the immediate transfer of James Douglas southward to Fort Vancouver to ensure his safety. Douglas eventually rose to become the colonial governor of both Vancouver Island and the colony of British Columbia. The lessons he learned under the blade of Chief Kw’eh’s dagger directly influenced his subsequent administrative policies, causing him to lean heavily on formal diplomacy and negotiate explicit treaties and land purchases rather than risking outright military conflicts with powerful indigenous polities.

The physical object that carried this historical narrative followed a long, complex line of familial inheritance and material alteration. From Chief Kw’eh, the weapon passed directly to his fourth son, Daya, who subsequently transmitted it to Uts’oolh. By the early twentieth century, the weapon was held by Kw’eh's prominent descendant, Chief Louis Billy Prince. In the 1920s, the dagger was documented and photographed in Louis Billy’s hands before being loaned to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s historical exhibition in Winnipeg. Following an extended effort led by regional officials and descendants, the heirloom was recovered and placed into the permanent repository of the Royal British Columbia Museum under the accession designation RBCM 13345.

Modern scientific and typological evaluations conducted on the artifact brought forward unexpected insights regarding the life cycle of the object. Metallurgical examination using emission spectroscopy revealed that the iron blade possessed a distinctively high manganese signature. This specific chemical composition is indicative of industrial, furnace-smelted crucible steel manufactured after 1839. Furthermore, the physical architecture of the blade features pronounced side-notches near the base of a heavily beveled edge. This notched form aligns perfectly with mass-produced, mid nineteenth century trade pikes and knives manufactured in Europe and Ontario specifically for distribution throughout the late North American fur trade. Physical records also indicate that a new whalebone handle, intricately carved in a style evocative of the northern maritime Haida Dene and Tlingit Dene traditions, was added to the tang between 1937 and 1943.

These empirical findings demonstrate that the artifact currently in existence cannot be the literal, original iron blade obtained by a young Kw’eh at Hagwilget in 1775, as that original piece would have been constructed from low-temperature hammered wrought iron or a recycled eighteenth-century file. Instead, the surviving object represents a mid-to-late nineteenth-century material replacement. This material transformation does not diminish the weapon’s historical value; rather, it highlights a profound indigenous philosophy of continuous lineage. Within Nak’azdli Dene historical consciousness, when an original implement degraded or was replaced by a more accessible or robust trade blade, the title, the spiritual authority, and the ancestral narrative of the original object were seamlessly transferred onto the new material host. The name, power, and identity of Kw’eh's original blade remained unbroken. Recognizing this profound, living connection to the community's history, the Royal British Columbia Museum formally de-accessioned and transferred legal ownership of the dagger back to the Nak’azdli Dene Band Council in 2012. Returned to its structural home in central British Columbia, the dagger stands as an active testament to the endurance of northern indigenous trade networks, advanced metallurgical arts, and the uninterrupted preservation of historical memory across centuries of colonial contact.
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-Morice, A. G. (1904). The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia: Formerly New Caledonia (1660 to 1880).
-Foni Historical Society & Museum Committee. (2025). Chief Kwah, a keyoh chief of the Stuart Lake Carrier people.
-Wikipedia Contributors. (2026). Kwah. In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia.
-Keddie, G. (2012 / 2023). Transfer of the Famous Kwah's Dagger to the Nak'azdli People. Royal British Columbia Museum Research Portal.
-Keddie, G. (2023). Chief Kwah – Physical Analysis of Artifact RBCM 13345. Grant Keddie Research Group.
-Eyman, F., & Witthoft, J. (1969). Metallurgy of the Tlingit, Dene, and Eskimo. Expedition Magazine, 11(3), Penn Museum.
-Sealaska Heritage Institute. (2024). Metallurgy of the Tlingit, Dene, and Eskimo.
-Warrior Publications. (2015). Knives and Daggers of the Pacific Northwest Coast.
-Fraser, S. (1806). The Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser, 1806–1808. (Later compiled and edited by W. Kaye Lamb, 1960, Macmillan of Canada).
-Parks Canada. (2025). Fort St. James National Historic Site Management Plan. Government of Canada.
-Parks Canada Cultural History Portal. (2026). Culture and History: The Era of Early Contact at Stuart Lake. Government of Canada.
-The Canadian Encyclopedia. (2022). Dakelh (Carrier). Historica Canada.

A tributary on the Redstone River... sign saying FORT NORMAN METIS is quite old... 1:38:0011 Days, 350 kms ALONE Through...
10/14/2026

A tributary on the Redstone River... sign saying FORT NORMAN METIS is quite old... 1:38:00

11 Days, 350 kms ALONE Through the NWT's Subarctic Backbone Ranges - https://youtu.be/pYXuf_v7hZ0

There are many   of Indigenous peoples over different eras. The recording of them in   provides a window into the past a...
10/07/2026

There are many of Indigenous peoples over different eras. The recording of them in provides a window into the past and how the lay of the land once was.

Some of these men and boys are wearing the Métis smoking caps, and Métis Sash. We have a similar picture of about the sa...
10/05/2026

Some of these men and boys are wearing the Métis smoking caps, and Métis Sash. We have a similar picture of about the same period.

Hare men and boys at Fort Norman near the Mackenzie River in the Northwest Territories - 1892

Hareskin family should not be confused with any other name. The   people have a distinct history. Not long ago we knew o...
10/05/2026

Hareskin family should not be confused with any other name. The people have a distinct history. Not long ago we knew of many dialects, but they are disappearing and only one language is becoming the only one known.
Oral histories written in the mid 1970s published in the little green "Book of Dene" leads us to see a little into what happened to them.

Hare family in front of their home at Fort Norman, in the Northwest Territories - 1927

10/05/2026

The Cabin Radio piece focuses on Bill S-2 (amending the Indian Act) and the Senate’s push to end the “second-generation cut-off.” That rule limits the transmission of Indian status under the Indian Act registration system. As a result, many people with First Nations ancestry who do not meet the registration criteria remain without status. The article frames the consequences primarily in terms of lost benefits for those who cannot obtain or pass on status (health coverage, education funding, treaty recognition, band membership, etc.). It does not explicitly identify these people as non-status Indians.

In Daniels v. Canada (Indian Affairs and Northern Development), 2016 SCC 12, the Supreme Court of Canada declared that Métis and non-status Indians are “Indians” within the meaning of s. 91(24) of the Constitution Act, 1867.

Key points from the ruling:

1. The Court granted only the jurisdictional declaration. It declined to issue separate declarations that the federal Crown owes a fiduciary duty or a duty to consult/negotiate, because those obligations were already settled law applying to Aboriginal peoples generally.

2. The decision does not automatically confer a “bucket of rights,” Indian Act status, or entitlement to the specific programs and services currently delivered to status First Nations or Inuit. It removes the jurisdictional gap (the previous “jurisdictional wasteland”) in which both levels of government could deny responsibility.

3. Federal jurisdiction under s. 91(24) creates the constitutional foundation for Parliament to legislate and for the Crown to negotiate agreements, programs, and services with Métis and non-status Indian communities or organizations. Whether and how that happens depends on political will, negotiation, and further litigation or policy development.
In short, Daniels confirmed federal responsibility and accountability. It opened the door for Métis and non-status Indians to organize, press for recognition, and seek comparable programs and services or self-government arrangements. It did not itself deliver those outcomes.

People excluded from Indian Act status by the second-generation cut-off are precisely the non-status Indians contemplated by Daniels. Ending the cut-off would expand the pool of people who can register as status Indians and access existing Indian Act-linked benefits. Those who remain outside the registration system continue to fall under the broader s. 91(24) category clarified by Daniels.

For Métis communities, such as those in Fort Simpson, NWT, Daniels supports the argument that Canada has a constitutional basis (and the associated honour-of-the-Crown obligations) to engage meaningfully on self-determination, programs, and services, and self-government arrangments. Realization of that engagement still requires political negotiation, concrete agreements, and or litigation; the court decision alone does not create them in Daniels.

This framing accurately fills the gap left by the article: the people who “won’t get this and that” under the current registration rules are non-status Indians, Daniels places them (together with Métis) under federal s. 91(24) jurisdiction, and the decision is best understood as an opportunity for organized engagement rather than an automatic grant of rights or benefits.

09/18/2026

The Saskatchewan harvesting rights test case has been adjourned again. Warren Boyer, Oliver Poitras and Harold St. Pierre will now continue in Meadow Lake Provincial Court on January 25, 2027. The three face provincial charges for hunting or fishing without licences and argue they were exercising Métis harvesting rights under Section 35.

The retrial began in April 2025, after the Saskatchewan Court of Appeal overturned the Poitras and Boyer convictions in 2022 and the Supreme Court refused the Crown leave to appeal.

Read more in a recent lorangeNOW article. Find the link at: https://bio.site/bcmetis

09/17/2026

Start up company, WETT certified woodstove/pelletstove installation & inspection.

New install for a client! Stay warm! Winter's coming!

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