01/06/2026
12 /12/12 I had the priviledged to unchained one of the strongest women I ever met in my 17 years of being the CEO of Alzheimer Dementia Namibia ( ADN ).
The story is wellknown to everyone who knows me and the work of ADN but the next story is unknown to everyone even to me because I forgot it but luckily dotted it down 12 years ago, when I start to travel Northern Namibia to find more Ndjinaa's and try to understand how people in rural Namibia explains Brain diseases.
21 August 2014.
At dinner we met a Herero waiter from Okakarara. He could not believe the photos of a freed Ndjinaa on my phone. He called over the meat chef, Kami — Himba, from a village near Ndjinaa. Kami stared at the screen and did not believe it either.
He kept repeating: “I see the photos, but I don’t believe it. How can Ndjinaa not be in chains? Why doesn’t she walk away? Why isn’t she aggressive, throwing stones?” He asked this while waving his chef’s knife. He gathered the whole staff to look. Then: “What did you do? Did you give her a pill?” I think he meant: did I bewitch her too? All I could say was, we gave her the pill of love. He shook his head. “Love can’t do this. You did something else. I want to know what.”
Tomorrow involves long travel and hours of discussion under trees and in the sun, considering a hypothesis that has emerged repeatedly in our fieldwork: that local attributions of witchcraft may function as a cultural framework for interpreting cognitive decline in older adults, similar to how biomedical models use dementia or Alzheimer’s disease in Western contexts.
If witchcraft serves as the primary explanatory model for memory loss, personality change, and behavioral disinhibition, then community responses will differ markedly from clinical responses. This raises a methodological question for global health discourse: should organizations such as consider convening dialogues in African contexts that engage directly with indigenous explanatory models? A “Bewitching Conference” held in Africa might create space for cross-cultural comparison between biomedical and traditional frameworks, rather than defaulting to the importation of Western diagnostic categories alone.
BERRIE HOLTZHAUSEN
This all leads to 3 questions I am asking myself after 12 years doing awareness and education in rural Namibia:
1. Explanatory models: What local terms or stories did people use today to explain memory loss or behavior change? How do those terms map onto, or differ from, “dementia” or “Alzheimer’s” as I understand them?
2. Social response: How did the community react to the person showing cognitive decline — with fear, care, exclusion, ritual? What does that response reveal about how “witchcraft” functions as more than just belief?
3. My role/bias: What assumptions did I bring into today’s conversations? Where did I feel tension between biomedical language and local language, and what did I learn from sitting in that tension?