Mussolini Sinsuat Lidasan

Mussolini Sinsuat Lidasan This is the Official Page of Mussolini Sinsuat Lidasan, founding director of Al Qalam Institute.

28/04/2026

The Alchemy of Non-Violence: Why the UBJP’s "Internal Crisis" is a Masterclass in Political Maturity
By Mussolini Lidasan

In the volatile landscape of Bangsamoro politics, the whispers of a "coup d’état" within the United Bangsamoro Justice Party (UBJP) have reached a fever pitch. Analysts point to the shifting tectonic plates of power where the Chief of Staff of the BIAF has assumed the mantle of Chief Minister, seemingly displacing the traditional hierarchy of the Party President and Chairman. To the casual observer, this looks like the classic blueprint for a house divided.

However, if we look closer at the UBJP’s strategic silence and their invitation to the Party Secretary General for the upcoming Assembly, we see something far more profound than a simple power struggle. We see the application of Satyagraha in the heart of Mindanao.

The leadership of the UBJP has made a startlingly mature move: they have refused to name Chief Minister Abdulrauf Macacua as an enemy. Instead, they have framed the current friction as a struggle orchestrated by external forces—the Philippine government’s historical penchant for "divide and rule."

This stance mirrors the deep philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi taught us that to hate the person is to succumb to the very darkness we seek to overcome. He famously suggested that we must "hate the sin, but love the sinner."

In our context, the "poison" isn't the individual holding the office; the poison is the systemic pressure, the lure of unilateral power, and the external interference that threatens to derail the Bangsamoro transition. By maintaining that there is no "internal conflict," the UBJP is effectively separating the individual from the action, focusing their energy on the structural "poison" rather than the person of Macacua.

The invitation for the Chief Minister to attend the Party Assembly is the ultimate "test case" of this political maturity. It is a gesture of Ahimsa (non-violence)—not a passive non-violence, but a proactive, courageous one.

If he attends: It signals a bridge built over troubled waters, proving that the party’s collective identity is stronger than individual ambitions.

If he declines: The UBJP still wins the moral high ground by demonstrating an unwavering commitment to dialogue and inclusion.

Gandhi believed that "loving your enemy" was the highest form of strength. It is easy to strike back when you feel usurped; it is infinitely harder to keep the door open and offer a seat at the table to the one who has seemingly taken your place.

What we are witnessing is the evolution of the Moro struggle from the trenches of armed conflict to the sophisticated arenas of political philosophy. By refusing to engage in a fratricidal war of words, the UBJP leadership is practicing a form of "radical love" that stabilizes the region.

They are teaching us that true power does not lie in the title of Chief Minister, but in the ability to hold a party—and a people—together when the world expects them to fall apart. Whether Macacua walks through those doors or not, the UBJP has already proven its maturity. They have chosen to fight the "poison" of division while keeping their hearts open to their brothers.
In the words of the Mahatma:
“Whenever you are confronted with an opponent, conquer him with love."

The Bangsamoro is finally learning to conquer not just its enemies, but its own impulses toward discord. That, more than any legislative win, is the true victory of the transition.

The Point | We cannot ask people to choose peace at the polls while they are forced to live in war. True peace is built ...
23/02/2026

The Point | We cannot ask people to choose peace at the polls while they are forced to live in war. True peace is built not in the excitement of an election, but in the quiet, diligent work of building a just society where every life has the dignity of a future. That is the only mandate that ultimately matters.

Read more: https://www.thelobbyist.biz/perspectives/article-details/the%20point/why-elections-alone-cannot-secure-peace-in-bangsamoro

THE LOBBYiST: More Than Just Views

Proponents argue convincingly that further delay breeds dangerous cynicism. The appointed transition has lasted years, and the 2024 Supreme Court ruling excluding Sulu created a legal vacuum that only a fresh election can resolve. The goal—transforming a revolutionary movement into...

A Fragile Peace Faces its Final GambleQuezon City — As I sit in Speaker Nograles Hall to attend the Congressional Commit...
08/02/2026

A Fragile Peace Faces its Final Gamble

Quezon City — As I sit in Speaker Nograles Hall to attend the Congressional Committee Hearing on HB 7436 as a resource speaker, waiting for my name to be called, the silence is often deceptive. In these sterile, air-conditioned halls, government officials speak of a historic "democratic dawn"—the first-ever parliamentary elections for the Bangsamoro, now slated for 2026. But on the ground, back in the marshlands and highlands of Mindanao, the air is thick with a different kind of history: one of stalled promises, smoldering feuds, and the heavy weight of rifles that were supposed to have been surrendered long ago.

The 2026 Bangsamoro elections represent the most ambitious gamble in the history of the Philippine peace process. This transition from a revolutionary government to a parliamentary democracy is meant to be the final chapter of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro. However, as the region prepares for the ballot, it is increasingly clear that the peace process is not merely lagging; it is fracturing under the pressure of its own unfulfilled conditions.
The strongest argument for the 2026 polls is one of legitimacy. For years, the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) has been governed by an appointed transition authority. A successful election would finally grant the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (M**F) a mandate rooted in the popular will rather than revolutionary history. It forces a guerilla movement to evolve into a civil political party—the United Bangsamoro Justice Party—theoretically trading decades of armed struggle for the floor of a parliament.

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