01/03/2026
PPCRV POSITION PAPER ON PARTY-LIST SYSTEM REFORM IN THE PHILIPPINES
Submitted to: The Senate Committee on Electoral Reforms and People's Participation
Re: Proposed Amendments to Republic Act No. 7941 (Party-List System Act)
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The Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV) acknowledges the importance of the party-list system in the Philippines as a means to ensure the representation of marginalized sectors. As a non-partisan organization dedicated to promoting democracy and electoral integrity, PPCRV recognizes the need for a fair and inclusive party-list system that truly represents the diverse interests and concerns of marginalized communities.
Article VI, Section 5 of the 1987 Constitution established the party-list system as a mechanism of proportional representation to provide meaningful access to the House of Representatives for marginalized and underrepresented sectors. It was designed to broaden political participation and strengthen representative pluralism within the legislative process.
Eligibility and nomination rules must be designed to prevent capture by traditional political actors, dynasties, contractors, and brand-laundering schemes.
COMELEC must be empowered with operationally feasible tools, evidence-based screening, public transparency, fast dispute resolution, and strong penalties for misrepresentation by party-list organizations.
SPECIFIC POSITIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
A. ON THE DEFINITION AND CLASSIFICATION OF PARTY-LIST ORGANIZATIONS
Position: We support the comprehensive definitional framework proposed in SB 1907 (Pangilinan) and SB 1656 (Hontiveros) with significant modifications. We strongly oppose the 50-50 split proposed in SB 757 (Marcos).
Recommendations:
1. Retain and Strengthen the Primacy of Sectoral Representation.
The party-list system was created specifically for marginalized sectors. We maintain that the predominant character of the party-list system must remain sectoral. Any classification framework must ensure that the majority of party-list seats are reserved for genuinely sectoral organizations.
We therefore reject SB 757's 50-50 split between political parties and sectoral organizations. Allocating half of all party-list seats to political parties — entities that already dominate district-based elections — fundamentally contradicts the constitutional mandate of the party-list system. Political parties have their own arena of competition. The party-list system is not, and must not become, an additional spoils system for established political parties.
2. Define Marginalized and Underrepresented Sectors with Precision.
The sectors eligible for party-list representation must be clearly defined. Building on the lists provided across the various bills, we recommend the following comprehensive enumeration: labor, peasants, farmers, fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous peoples and cultural communities, elderly, persons with disabilities, women, youth, LGBTQIA+ persons, veterans, overseas workers, and professionals from economically marginalized backgrounds.
Critically, the definition must include an economic marginalization threshold. Business organizations, trade, or professional associations are not marginalized and should not qualify as party-list organizations. Professional associations, for example, should only qualify if their membership predominantly consists of economically marginalized practitioners, not affluent professionals who already have adequate political representation.
3. Expand the Definition of Sectoral Organization to Include Emerging Groups.
We support the inclusion in SB 1656 and SB 1871 of groups sharing "similar age groups, s*xual orientations, gender identities or expressions, s*x characteristics, employment, interests, or concerns." Society evolves, and the party-list system must have sufficient flexibility to accommodate emerging marginalized communities while maintaining strict eligibility standards.
B. ON REGISTRATION REQUIREMENTS
Position: Registration requirements must be substantially strengthened. The current system's permissiveness has enabled widespread abuse.
Recommendations:
1. Mandatory and Rigorous Evidentiary Public Hearings.
We strongly support the requirement in SB 1907 and SB 1559 for mandatory evidentiary public hearings before COMELEC prior to registration. These hearings must be:
• Open to public scrutiny and participation, allowing civil society organizations and ordinary citizens to challenge registration petitions
• Substantive rather than procedural, requiring genuine proof of sectoral membership, track record of advocacy, and organizational independence from elite control
• Conducted with sufficient lead time before elections to allow thorough vetting
• Recorded and published to ensure transparency and public accountability
2. Mandatory Track Record Requirement.
Consistent with SB 1718's provision disqualifying organizations created primarily for a single election, we recommend that all party-list organizations be required to demonstrate a minimum of three years of documented sectoral advocacy prior to registration. This would effectively prevent the "pop-up" party-list organizations that appear shortly before elections with no genuine history of sectoral work.
3. Comprehensive Prohibitions on Registration.
Drawing from multiple bills, we recommend the following as absolute grounds for denial of registration:
• Being a religious sect, denomination, or organization organized primarily for religious purposes
• Receiving direct or indirect foreign funding for partisan political purposes
• Being directly or indirectly established, controlled, or substantially financed by a political dynasty, as defined by applicable law
• Being directly or indirectly controlled by or affiliated with any incumbent elective official
• Being an adjunct, project, or entity organized, funded, or assisted by the government
• Being directly or indirectly linked to government contractors or entities with beneficial interest in government contracts
• Lacking a verifiable track record of genuine sectoral advocacy
• Ban on geographically based party list aligned with political boundaries.
4. Lifestyle and Asset Verification for Nominees.
Beyond the formal qualifications listed in the various bills, COMELEC must be empowered to conduct lifestyle checks and asset verification for party-list nominees to ensure they genuinely belong to and share the economic circumstances of the sectors they claim to represent. A nominee claiming to represent the urban poor must not own multiple properties or hold substantial business interests.
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C. ON THE PROHIBITION AGAINST BACKDOOR ENTRY BY POLITICIANS
Position: This is perhaps the most critical reform needed. The party-list system must be completely insulated from use as a political refuge by term-limited politicians or electoral losers.
Recommendations:
1. Absolute Prohibition on Candidates Who Lost in the Most Recent Elections.
We recommend the explicit statutory prohibition of any person who ran for and lost in any elective position in the most recently held elections from becoming a party-list nominee. This prohibition should extend for one full election cycle following their electoral loss.
The rationale is clear: a person who ran for a district seat, a Senate seat, or any other elective position but lost has demonstrated a primary interest in electoral politics and personal political advancement, not in genuine sectoral advocacy. Allowing such persons to immediately pivot to party-list candidacy reduces the party-list system to a political safety net for failed candidates.
2. Absolute Prohibition on Term-Limited Officials.
Any person who has reached the term limit of any elective position — whether as a district representative, senator, governor, mayor, or any other elected official — must be permanently prohibited from becoming a party-list nominee for a period of at least six years following the end of their last term.
This prohibition is essential. The pattern of term-limited politicians using party-list organizations to remain in power has been extensively documented. It represents not only an abuse of the party-list system but also an end-run around the constitutional provisions on term limits, which were themselves designed to prevent the entrenchment of political dynasties and promote regular renewal of political leadership.
3. Prohibition Against Nominees Who Held Elective Office in the Previous Two Elections.
Building on the above, any person who held any elective office in the two election cycles immediately preceding their intended party-list nomination must be required to demonstrate, through clear and convincing evidence in the COMELEC evidentiary hearing, that they have been genuinely engaged in sectoral advocacy for the sector they seek to represent — and not merely as a political strategy.
4. Stricter Political Dynasty Prohibition.
We support the political dynasty prohibitions in SB 1907, SB 1656, and SB 1871 but recommend extending the coverage:
• The prohibition should cover relatives within the 4th degree of consanguinity or affinity of any incumbent elective official at any level of government — national, provincial, city, or municipal
• The prohibition should expressly include barangay officials who hold significant local influence
• The prohibition should cover not only direct nominees but also controlling members, officers, and major donors of party-list organizations
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D. ON NOMINEE QUALIFICATIONS
Position: The qualifications for party-list nominees must be substantially higher than current standards and must be genuinely verifiable.
Recommendations:
1. Genuine Membership Requirement.
We strongly support SB 192's position that nominees must actually belong to the sectors they represent, not merely advocate for them. Advocacy without authentic membership is insufficient. A party-list representative for the fisherfolk sector must be a fisherfolk; a representative for the urban poor must have genuinely lived in poverty.
2. Residency and Immersion Requirement.
Beyond formal membership, nominees must demonstrate a minimum period of actual immersion or residency within the sector they seek to represent. Documentary evidence, sworn testimonies from community members, and other verifiable proof of genuine sectoral connection must be submitted to COMELEC.
3. No Concurrent Corporate Directorships or Business Interests.
Party-list nominees must divest themselves of all significant business interests and corporate directorships prior to their nomination and throughout their term. This ensures that their legislative priorities remain aligned with their sectors rather than with commercial interests.
4. Youth Sector Age Requirements.
We support SB 757's provision setting the age range for youth sector nominees at 25 to 30 years old, with allowance for representatives who reach 30 during their term to complete their service. This ensures genuine youth representation while providing for continuity.
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E. ON GROUNDS FOR CANCELLATION OF REGISTRATION AND DISQUALIFICATION
Position: Cancellation grounds must be comprehensive, clearly defined, and efficiently enforceable.
Recommendations:
We recommend the following comprehensive grounds for cancellation, drawn and consolidated from the various bills:
1. Failure to demonstrate genuine sectoral representation at any point during the registration period or term
2. Receipt of foreign funding for partisan political purposes
3. Association with rebel groups or proscribed terrorist organizations under RA 11479 or any applicable anti-terrorism law
4. Legislative inaction — failure of the organization's representative to file at least 50% of legislative outputs directly relevant to their sector (consistent with SB 1907)
5. Material misrepresentation of nominees' qualifications or sectoral membership
6. Use of prohibited names confusingly similar to government programs, media personalities, or public figures
7. Violation of political dynasty prohibitions
8. Acquisition of government contracts or beneficial interest therein
9. Dissolution, merger, or cessation of existence of the organization
10. Participation in or facilitation of violence or unlawful acts, particularly involving vulnerable sectors including youth and children
11. COMELEC should consider guidelines on replacing party list representatives outside the election period. COMELEC rules on substitution pre elections should be institutionalized
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F. ON THE PROHIBITION AGAINST RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS
Position: Religious organizations must be absolutely and unequivocally prohibited from participating in the party-list system.
Recommendation:
The separation of church and state is a foundational constitutional principle. Religious organizations exercise a form of authority over their members that is qualitatively different from ordinary political persuasion. Allowing religious organizations into the party-list system creates conditions for coercive religious influence over political participation, which is antithetical to the free exercise of democratic rights.
Furthermore, religious organizations — particularly those with large memberships and substantial financial resources — are not marginalized. They are, in many instances, among the most powerful institutional actors in Philippine society. Their participation in the party-list system would further crowd out genuinely marginalized sectors.
We therefore recommend absolute statutory prohibition against any religious organization, sect, denomination, or association organized for religious purposes from registering as a party-list organization. This prohibition must be clear, unambiguous, and not subject to exceptions or waivers.
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G. ON THE PROHIBITION AGAINST BUSINESS INTERESTS
Position: The party-list system must be completely insulated from commercial interests.
Recommendations:
1. Comprehensive Government Contractor Prohibition.
We fully support the multi-layered government contractor prohibition found in SB 1656 and SB 1871:
• No party-list nominee, representative, or organization shall hold government contracts
• No nominee or representative shall serve as officer, director, or stockholder of entities with government contracts
• No nominee or representative shall possess beneficial ownership or financial stake in government contracts
2. Business Interest Disclosure and Divest Requirements.
All party-list nominees must be required to file comprehensive asset and business interest declarations with COMELEC. Any business interests that conflict with the advocacy of their sector must be fully divested prior to nomination.
3. Anti-Circumvention Provisions.
The prohibitions must include robust anti-circumvention provisions covering nominees who transfer business interests to family members or associates as a means of technically complying with the law while retaining effective control over those interests.
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H. ON ACCOUNTABILITY AND LEGISLATIVE PERFORMANCE
Position: Party-list representatives must be held to the highest standard of sectoral advocacy throughout their terms.
Recommendations:
1. Mandatory Sectoral Legislative Output.
We support SB 1907's requirement that party-list representatives file at least 50% of their legislative outputs — bills, resolutions, committee reports, plenary sponsorships, and interpellations — on matters directly relevant to their represented sectors. Failure to meet this threshold should be grounds for cancellation of the organization's registration in the subsequent election.
2. Annual Public Reporting.
Party-list organizations must be required to submit annual public reports to COMELEC detailing:
• Their legislative activities and outputs
• Their ongoing sectoral programs and activities
• Their organizational membership and governance
• Their financial statements and sources of funding
These reports must be publicly accessible to enable civil society monitoring and accountability.
3. Mid-Term Review.
COMELEC must be empowered to conduct mid-term reviews of registered party-list organizations to assess whether they continue to meet registration requirements and whether their representatives are performing their sectoral mandates.
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I. ON VOTER EDUCATION
Position: A genuine reform of the party-list system is incomplete without a comprehensive and sustained voter education campaign.
Recommendations:
We strongly support the voter education provisions found in SB 1907, SB 1656, and SB 1871.
COMELEC must conduct systematic, multi-platform, multi-lingual voter education campaigns explaining:
• The purpose and mechanics of the party-list system
• How to identify genuine vs. captured party-list organizations
• How voters can report suspected violations and abuses
• The importance of the party-list vote as a tool for sectoral empowerment
These campaigns must reach remote and underserved communities — precisely the communities the party-list system is designed to serve. Digital-only campaigns are insufficient; radio, community theater, and face-to-face education must be prioritized in areas with limited internet access.
Civil society organizations, academic institutions, and community leaders must be formally engaged as partners in voter education, ensuring that communities receive information in culturally appropriate and accessible formats.
J. On Thresholds for Party-List Organizations.
We enjoin the COMELEC to revisit the computation of seats to avoid insufficiently represented party lists. Fixing the threshold will ensure proportional representation in the House of Representatives, allowing the marginalized and underrepresented to have a voice in legislative affairs, It will provide them access to power and influence over legislative decisions. Having genuine party-list organizations is essential for maintaining the integrity of the electoral process.
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V. ON THE CONSOLIDATED BILL: RECOMMENDED PRIORITY PROVISIONS
Given the multiplicity of proposals across the seven Senate bills, we recommend that the consolidated bill prioritize the following as non-negotiable core provisions:
Priority Provision Source Bills
1 Absolute prohibition on politicians who lost in the most recent election or reached term limits from becoming party-list nominees New/Consolidated
2 Mandatory evidentiary public hearings before COMELEC for registration SB 1907, SB 1559
3 Genuine membership requirement for nominees SB 192, SB 757
4 Absolute prohibition on religious organizations SB 1656, SB 1718, SB 1871
5 Comprehensive political dynasty prohibition SB 1907, SB 1656, SB 1871
6 Comprehensive government contractor prohibition SB 1907, SB 1559, SB 1656, SB 1871
7 Three-year track record requirement SB 1718 (adapted)
8 50% sectoral legislative output requirement SB 1907
9 Prohibition on foreign funding Multiple bills
10 Comprehensive voter education program SB 1907, SB 1656, SB 1871
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VI. CONCLUSION
The party-list system represents a constitutional commitment — a promise made by the Filipino people to themselves that the halls of Congress would not be the exclusive domain of the wealthy, the powerful, and the politically entrenched. Three and a half decades after that promise was made, it remains largely unfulfilled. The party-list system has been captured, corrupted, and converted into an instrument of the very forces it was designed to counterbalance.
The Senate bills under consideration represent a collective recognition that reform is overdue and urgent. Their convergence on several key provisions — genuine sectoral representation, prohibitions against dynasties and government contractors, stricter nominee qualifications, and the elimination of misleading party names — reflects a shared understanding of the system's fundamental pathologies.
We urge the Senate to go further. Half-hearted reforms will produce half-hearted results. The abuses that have colonized the party-list system are deeply entrenched, sophisticated, and well-resourced. Only comprehensive, unambiguous, and vigorously enforced reforms will be sufficient to dismantle them.
Most critically, the party-list system must be permanently closed as a backdoor for term-limited politicians and electoral losers. The spectacle of former governors, former mayors, and defeated senatorial candidates reinventing themselves as champions of the urban poor or advocates for fisherfolk — communities they never lived in, never worked alongside, and never genuinely served — is an insult to the hundreds of thousands of Filipinos whom the party-list system was designed to empower.
The marginalized sectors of Philippine society — the farmers who feed the nation, the fisherfolk who brave dangerous seas, the urban poor who build the cities they cannot afford to live in, the workers whose labor creates wealth they will never share equitably — deserve better. They deserve representatives who know their struggles because they have lived them. They deserve a party-list system that is, in truth and in practice, their own.
This paper calls on the Senate to enact a consolidated, comprehensive, and courageous party-list reform law — one that restores the system to its constitutional purpose, protects it from all forms of abuse, and ensures that the voices of the genuinely marginalized are finally, authentically, and powerfully heard in the House of Representatives.
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Submitted in the interest of genuine democratic reform and in faithful adherence to the spirit and letter of the 1987 Philippine Constitution.
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March 1, 2026
