ANC Libuyile Izwelethu Branch

ANC Libuyile Izwelethu Branch This page is created by the ANC branch leadership to ensure that all those who are on social media a

01/01/2024

Kulonyaka abantu bacasukele ingoma ehlukanise unyaka baze bakhohlwa o “ new year new me” nama resolution 😂

ALL THE BEST LEARNERS
22/10/2017

ALL THE BEST LEARNERS

THERE'S NO BETTER PREFERRED LEADERSHIP THAN THIS ONE DECEMBER CONFERENCE RESTORE THE DIGNITY OF OUR MOVEMENT SIYAVUMA
03/09/2017

THERE'S NO BETTER PREFERRED LEADERSHIP THAN THIS ONE DECEMBER CONFERENCE RESTORE THE DIGNITY OF OUR MOVEMENT SIYAVUMA

16/06/2017

happy youth day to everyone please do not spend the day on alcohol let's learn about this day and to all those who lost their loved ones on this day we say our deepest condolences and we thank your family for the sacrifice it made Happy Youth Day Mzansi

25/04/2017

GOOD NIGHT comrades

24/04/2017

ADDRESS BY DEPUTY PRESIDENT CYRIL
RAMAPHOSA AT THE CHRIS HANI MEMORIAL
LECTURE
BABS MADLAKANE HALL, KWA-NOBUHLE,
UITENHAGE
23 APRIL 2017
Comrades and Friends,
We meet here today to remember and honour a
great son of our soil.
We meet here to recall the enormous
contribution he made to the struggle for the
freedom of our people.
We remember his kindness, his selflessness, his
modesty, his intellect and his unwavering
courage.
He was an outstanding soldier, a disciplined
cadre, a democrat and a leader with vision and
integrity.
He was a leader who put the interests of the
people above his own.
He put their well-being and safety before his
own.
He was a revolutionary who was truly worthy of
the title Isithwalandwe Seaparankoe.
He was a giant of our struggle who has rightly
earned his place among the most outstanding
leaders of our people, Nelson Mandela, Walter
Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, Govan Mbeki, Moses
Kotane, Lilian Ngoyi, Dorothy Nyembe, Joe Slovo
and Ahmed Kathrada.
As we gather here, we recall with great anguish
and sorrow the horrific act of racial hatred that
ended his life on the eve of our freedom.
For the masses of our people, this was the
darkest moment before our democratic dawn.
It was the moment at which the apartheid
government realised that they would no longer
be able to contain the anger of an oppressed
and persecuted people.
They relented and quickly agreed on the date for
South Africa’s first democratic election.
It is fitting that, as we celebrate the contribution
of Isithwalandwe Chris Hani, we reflect on the
revolutionary tasks that we must still undertake
to achieve the free and equal society for which
he gave his life.
We must reflect on the work we need to do to
liberate all our people from all forms of
oppression and exploitation.
As we undertake the second phase of our
transition, in which intensify the struggle for
socio-economic freedom, we must focus our
attention on the actions required to advance
radical economic transformation.
We must direct all our resources and energy to
achieve far higher rates of inclusive growth, to
create jobs, develop the skills of our youth and
reduce poverty and inequality.
It is fitting that we reflect on how the life,
contribution and character of Chris Hani provide
some guide to how we approach the
responsibilities we must now shoulder together.
It is fitting, particularly at a time like this, to
reflect on what kind of a leader he was.
Chris Hani was a unifier, a nation builder.
He was a champion of a non-racial and non-
sexist South Africa, deeply committed to
breaking down the barriers that had long kept
our people apart.
He was not the kind of leader who, through
reckless statements and self-serving actions,
would divide the movement or polarise the
nation.
He embodied the revolutionary qualities that we
need in our leaders today.
He was the kind of leader that we speak about in
the document ‘Through the Eye of a Needle’,
when we say:
“A leader should constantly seek to improve his
capacity to serve the people; he should strive to
be in touch with the people all the time, listen to
their views and learn from them. He should be
accessible and flexible; and not arrogate to
himself the status of being the source of all
wisdom.
“A leader should win the confidence of the
people in her day-to-day work. Where the
situation demands, she should be firm; and have
the courage to explain and seek to convince
others of the correctness of decisions taken by
constitutional structures even if such decisions
are unpopular. She should not seek to gain
cheap popularity by avoiding difficult issues,
making false promises or merely pandering to
popular sentiment.”
Chris Hani was a leader who was rooted among
the masses, who was willing to listen and who
was not afraid to confront problems.
He was not afraid to raise concerns about the
state of the movement or the conduct of its
leaders.
He was able to clearly articulate the weaknesses
in our strategy or the shortcomings in its
implementation.
He did so precisely so that we could correct our
errors and build the movement as a stronger,
more effective instrument of struggle.
He did so not to divide the ANC, but to unite it
around a common understanding of the tasks of
the moment and the actions that these tasks
demanded.
For Chris Hani, critical, honest debate was a
necessary condition for unity – and
organisational renewal was a necessary condition
for progress.
Early in 1969, Chris Hani and six other members
of Umkhonto we Sizwe produced a document
that became known as the ‘Hani Memorandum’.
It began:
“The ANC in Exile is in a deep crisis as a result of
which a rot has set in. From informal discussions
with the revolutionary members of MK we have
inferred that they have lost all confidence in the
ANC leadership abroad. This they say openly and
in fact show it. Such a situation is very serious
and in fact a revolutionary movement has to sit
down and analyse such a prevailing state of
affairs.”
There are many within the Alliance and the
broader democratic movement who say that the
ANC is today in a deep crisis.
Many say that a rot has set in, a result of our
inability to respond effectively to the challenges
– and temptations – of political office.
While some may want to contest the use of
words such as ‘crisis’ and ‘rot’ to describe the
current situation, the undeniable reality is that
the democratic movement is undergoing a period
of greater turbulence and uncertainty that at any
time since 1994.
There is a strong sense among many of our
people that the ANC no longer represents their
hope for a better life.
Many believe that the ANC is no longer a trusted
repository of the aspirations of our people for
freedom, dignity, peace and justice.
Recent political developments have thrown into
sharp relief the divisions within our movement
and brought to the fore broader grievances
about the direction of the country.
The manner and form of the cabinet reshuffle a
few weeks ago heightened tensions within the
movement, causing some comrades to engage in
bitter exchanges in public statements and on
social media.
It has further polarised the Alliance and broader
democratic movement, with different formations
taking strongly opposing positions.
But there is a broader problem.
Over many years, the unity of the democratic
movement has been gradually eroded as the
politics of patronage, factionalism, vote-buying
and gate keeping has become more widespread.
In many parts of our country, the interests of
the people have been rendered subordinate to
the interests of the few as they jostle for
positions of authority and access to resources.
This challenge has been identified at the highest
levels of the movement, resolutions have been
taken at successive national conferences and it
has been much debated within the Alliance.
Yet it continues to plague the organisation and
diminishes our ability to realise our objective to
achieve a better life for all South Africans.
The challenge that faces each and every member
of the ANC, the Alliance and the broader
democratic movement is what to do.
How should we respond to the many challenges
that today confront our revolution?
The lesson from the life and struggle of Chris
Hani – the lesson from the ‘Hani Memorandum’
in particular – is that we must honestly and
directly own up to the problem.
We must do so not in an effort to achieve some
kind of factional advantage.
We must do so not to divide the organisation or
demoralise our membership.
We must do so because that is what a
revolutionary movement does.
Once we have analysed the challenges – once we
have a common understanding of what the
causes and manifestations of these problems are
– we must take concrete action to address them.
And we must do so together.
As former ANC President Oliver Tambo said in
1980:
‘The need for the unity of the patriotic and
democratic of our country has never been
greater than it is today. Our unity has to be
based on honesty among ourselves, the courage
to face reality, adherence to what has been
agreed upon, to principle.’
These words, spoken over three decades ago,
perfectly capture the central task of the
democratic movement at this difficult moment in
our history.
Chris Hani would have been the first to say that
we need to be honest among ourselves.
The ANC cannot fulfil its historic mission if it is
divided.
It has a responsibility not only to be united
itself, but also to unite society behind a
programme of fundamental social and economic
change.
This has been its central strength over many
decades of struggle, first in defeating apartheid
and then in building a new democratic state that
has had significant success in improving the lives
of millions of people.
However, its ability to unite society is
significantly diminished.
The divisions within the organisation and among
its leaders are well ventilated in the public space.
Despite the good work that continues to be
done by cadres and deployees in all spheres, the
ANC’s programme in government and in
communities lacks sufficient coherence and
focus.
The allegations that there are private individuals
who exercise undue influence over state
appointments and procurement decisions should
be a matter of grave concern to the movement.
These practices threaten the integrity of the
state, undermine our economic progress and
diminish our ability to change the lives of the
poor.
These activities, if left unchecked, could destroy
the revolution.
It is therefore critical that the allegations of
‘state capture’ are put to rest, that wrongdoing
is exposed and that illicit practices are brought
to an end.
The ANC should support the establishment of an
effective, credible mechanism to investigate
these claims.
Those that have evidence will be able to come
forward. Those that have been unfairly implicated
will have an opportunity to clear their names.
We cannot leave this rot to fester.
We must have the courage to face reality.
And we must be prepared to talk about these
things openly and honestly, as our forebears did.
Unless the ANC addresses these challenges, we
can be certain that our electoral support will
continue to slide.
We have research that shows that many ANC
supporters did not vote in the 2016 local
government elections because of perceptions of
factionalism in the movement and a sense that
many of its leaders and public representatives
were self-serving.
A decline in the ANC’s electoral fortunes is not
so much about the ‘maturing’ of democracy, as
some have suggested, as it is about a waning
confidence in the ANC as the organisation best
placed to build a better future for the people of
this country.
If the ANC is voted out of office – as happened
in several metros in 2016 – it will be unable to
use state power to effect transformation.
It will thus lose the most potent weapon it has
to build a national democratic society.
Recent marches in various centres across the
country are further evidence of the challenges
the movement faces.
While it may be true that those who marched do
not reflect the views of the majority of South
Africans, many of them nevertheless represent
important constituencies that the ANC should be
engaging and mobilising to bring about social
and economic change.
Throughout its history, the ANC has been most
effective when it has drawn a variety of social
forces towards it – when it has mobilised broad
fronts in pursuit of common objectives.
Today, this no longer seems to be a priority.
In fact, we seem to be pushing many important
constituencies away from us.
Through some of our utterances, through some
of our conduct – sometimes through sheer
neglect – we have alienated many of the people
who we should be organising and mobilising.
The ANC is meant to unite, not divide.
These marches and associated forms of
mobilisation present a direct challenge to the
ANC’s mission to unite all South Africans in
pursuit of a better life for all.
Unless it acts with determination and urgency to
address these challenges, the organisation is
likely not only to lose further electoral support,
but also to lose its ability to lead society in a
popular programme of change.
In responding to these challenges, the ANC must
adhere to its values.
The unity that Oliver Tambo spoke of in 1980
was premised on honesty, courage and principle.
It was unity in support of revolutionary ideals.
He never envisaged that this unity should be
used as a cover for misconduct or as reason not
to confront those implicated in wrongdoing.
He never saw unity as an excuse to avoid the
difficult, painful questions that we need to ask
ourselves.
But even through our movement faces great
challenges – and even though our country is
going through a particularly difficult time – there
is every reason to hope.
There is every reason to expect that the cadres
of this movement will respond with the same
resolve and purpose as they have done before.
I am confident – and many in the leadership
share this confidence – that the branches of our
organisation will use the upcoming 54th National
Conference to chart a new path of political,
organisational and moral renewal.
Many of the elements of this renewal are to be
found in the Policy Conference discussion
documents currently being debated in our
structures.
Among other things, these documents assert
that critical to the resolution of the challenges
facing our movement is the strengthening of
internal democracy within the organisation.
As we prepare for Conference, these current
challenges need to be addressed within the
ANC’s constitutional structures, with the
participation of branch members and leadership
at all levels.
It is also needs to be a matter for structured and
direct engagement with other formations in the
Alliance and broader society.
The manner of engagement is particularly
important.
The political culture of the ANC requires that
comrades accept each other’s bona fides, avoid
divisive language and name-calling and be
prepared to engage honestly with each other’s
views.
At a time when there is great distress – even
anger – inside and outside the movement, it is
the responsibility of all cadres to ensure that
they are respectful, honest and constructive in
their engagement.
This situation requires calms heads and sound
political judgment.
This is a responsibility that rests in great
measure on the leadership of the movement and
the Alliance, but ultimately it is the duty of each
and every one of us to take responsibility for the
cohesion and effectiveness of the organisation.
Each and every of one of us needs to understand
– as Oliver Tambo did, as Chris Hani did, as
Ahmed Kathrada did – that in our conduct and in
our contribution, we are the glue that holds the
movement together.
We must weigh every action and pronouncement
to ensure that it unites rather than divides.
We need to constantly ask ourselves what is it
that we must do to build a united and cohesive
movement that is honest, courageous and
principled.
We need to draw from Chris Hani the lesson that
criticism of the movement does not mean that
one is disloyal.
Criticism cannot be disloyal if it is honest, if it is
consistent with the discipline of the movement,
and if it is intended to strengthen the movement
and promote unity.
As we gather to remember Chris Hani, as we ask
ourselves what is it that history demands of us
at this difficult moment in our revolution, we
must resolve to be the kind of cadre – the kind
of leader – that Chris Hani was.
We must resolve to humble ourselves before the
people.
We must combat arrogance, complacency and
dishonesty.
We must heed the words of Chris Hani when he
said:
“I’ve never wanted to spare myself because I feel
there are people who are no longer around and
died for this struggle. What right do I have to
hold back, to rest, to preserve my health, to
have time with my family, when there are other
people who are no longer alive – when they
sacrificed what is precious: namely life itself.”
Isithwalandwe Chris Hani gave his life for the
freedom of his people.
Inspired by his courage, determination and
compassion, though we may face great
challenges and difficulties, we dare not spare
ourselves in the struggle to build a united, free
and equal society.
The spirit of Chris Hani lives on.
The struggle continues.
Amandla!

22/04/2017

I Will Never Forget What a White Man Told Me in
Zimbabwe in 1980
By Thula Bopela
I have no idea whether the white man I am
writing about is still alive or not. He gave me an
understanding of what actually happened to us
Africans, and how sinister it was, when we were
colonized. His name was Ronald Stanley Peters,
Homicide Chief, Matabeleland, in what was at the
time Rhodesia.
He was the man in charge of the case they had
against us, murder. I was one of a group of
ANC/ZAPU guerillas that had infiltrated into the
Wankie Game Reserve in 1967, and had been in
action against elements of the Rhodesian African
rifles (RAR), and the Rhodesian Light Infantry
(RLI). We were now in the custody of the British
South Africa Police (BSAP), the Rhodesian
Police. I was the last to be captured in the group
that was going to appear at the Salisbury
(Harare) High Court on a charge of murder, 4
counts.
‘I have completed my investigation of this case,
Mr. Bopela, and I will be sending the case to the
Attorney-General’s Office, Mr. Bosman, who will
take up the prosecution of your case on a date
to be decided,’ Ron Peters told me. ‘I will hang
all of you, but I must tell you that you are good
fighters but you cannot win.’
‘Tell me, Inspector,’ I shot back, ‘are you not
contradicting yourself when you say we are good
fighters but will not win? Good fighters always
win.’
‘Mr. Bopela, even the best fighters on the
ground, cannot win if information is sent to their
enemy by high-ranking officials of their
organizations, even before the fighters begin
their operations. Even though we had
information that you were on your way, we were
not prepared for the fight that you put up,’ the
Englishman said quietly.
‘We give due where it is to be given after having
met you in battle. That is why I am saying you
are good fighters, but will not win.’
Thirteen years later, in 1980, I went to Police
Headquarters in Harare and asked where I could
find Detective-Inspector Ronald Stanley Peters,
retired maybe. President Robert Mugabe had
become Prime Minster and had released all of
us….common criminal and freedom-fighter. I
was told by the white officer behind the counter
that Inspector Peters had retired and now lived
in Bulawayo. I asked to speak to him on the
telephone. The officer dialed his number and
explained why he was calling. I was given the
phone, and spoke to the Superintendent, the
rank he had retired on. We agreed to meet in
two days time at his house at Matshe-amhlophe,
a very up-market suburb in Bulawayo. I travelled
to Bulawayo by train, and took a taxi from town
to his home.
I had last seen him at the Salisbury High Court
after we had been sentenced to death by Justice
L Lewis in 1967. His hair had greyed but he was
still the tall policeman I had last seen in 1967. He
smiled quietly at me and introduced me to his
family, two grown up chaps and a daughter.
Lastly came his wife, Doreen, a regal-looking
Englishwoman. ‘He is one of the chaps I bagged
during my time in the Service. We sent him to
the gallows but he is back and wants to see me,
Doreen.’ He smiled again and ushered me into his
study.
He offered me a drink, a scotch whisky I had not
asked for, but enjoyed very much I must say. We
spent some time on the small talk about the
weather and the current news.
‘So,’ Ron began, ‘they did not hang you are
after all, old chap!
Congratulations, and may you live many more!’
We toasted and I sat across him in a
comfortable sofa. ‘A man does not die before his
time, Ron’ I replied rather gloomily, ‘never mind
the power the judge has or what the executioner
intends to do to one.’
‘I am happy you got a reprieve Thula,’, Ron said,
‘but what was it based on? I am just curious
about what might have prompted His Excellency
Clifford Du Pont, to grant you a pardon. You
were a bunch of unrepentant terrorists.’
‘I do not know Superintendent,’ I replied
truthfully. ‘Like I have said, a man does not die
before his time.’ He poured me another drink and
I became less tense.
‘So, Mr. Bopela, what brings such a lucky fellow
all the way from happy Harare to a dull place like
our Bulawayo down here?’
‘Superintendent, you said to me after you had
finished your investigations that you were going
to hang all of us. You were wrong; we did not all
hang.
You said also that though we were good fighters
we would not win. You were wrong again
Superintendent; we have won! We are in power
now. I told you that good fighters do win.’
The Superintendent put his drink on the side
table and stood up. He walked slowly to the
window that overlooked his well-manicured
garden and stood there facing me.
‘So you think you have won Thula? What have
you won, tell me. I need to know.’
‘We have won everything Superintendent, in case
you have not noticed. Every thing! We will have
a black president, prime minister, black cabinet,
black members of Parliament, judges, Chiefs of
Police and the Army. Every thing Superintendent.
I came all the way to come and ask you to
apologize to me for telling me that good fighters
do not win. You were wrong Superintendent,
were you not?’
He went back to his seat and picked up his glass,
and emptied it. He poured himself another shot
and put it on the side table and was quiet for a
while.
‘So, you think you have won everything Mr.
Bopela, huh? I am sorry to spoil your happiness
sir, but you have not won anything. You have
political power, yes, but that is all. We control
the economy of this country, on whose stability
depends everybody’s livelihood, including the
lives of those who boast that they have political
power, you and your victorious friends. Maybe I
should tell you something about us white people
Mr. Bopela. I think you deserve it too, seeing
how you kept this nonsense warm in your head
for thirteen hard years in prison. ‘When I get out
I am going to find Ron Peters and tell him to
apologize for saying we wouldn’t win,’ you
promised yourself. Now listen to me carefully my
friend, I am going to help you understand us
white people a bit better, and the kind of
problem you and your friends have to deal with.’
‘When we planted our flag in the place where we
built the city of Salisbury, in 1877, we planned
for this time. We planned for the time when the
African would rise up against us, and perhaps
defeat us by sheer numbers and insurrection.
When that time came, we decided, the African
should not be in a position to rule his newly-
found country without taking his cue from us.
We should continue to rule, even after political
power has been snatched from us, Mr. Bopela.’
‘How did you plan to do that my dear
Superintendent,’ I mocked.
‘Very simple, Mr. Bopela, very simple,’ Peters
told me.
‘We started by changing the country we took
from you to a country that you will find, many
centuries later, when you gain political power. It
would be totally unlike the country your
ancestors lived in; it would be a new country.
Let us start with agriculture. We introduced
methods of farming that were not known in
Africa, where people dug a hole in the ground,
covered it up with soil and went to sleep under a
tree in the shade. We made agriculture a science.
To farm our way, an African needed to
understand soil types, the fertilizers that type of
soil required, and which crops to plant on what
type of soil. We kept this knowledge from the
African, how to farm scientifically and on a scale
big enough to contribute strongly to the
national economy. We did this so that when the
African demands and gets his land back, he
should not be able to farm it like we do. He
would then be obliged to beg us to teach him
how. Is that not power, Mr. Bopela?’
‘We industrialized the country, factories, mines,
together with agricultural output, became the
mainstay of the new economy, but controlled
and understood only by us. We kept the
knowledge of all this from you people, the skills
required to run such a country successfully. It is
not because Africans are stupid because they do
not know what to do with an industrialized
country. We just excluded the African from this
knowledge and kept him in the dark.
This exercise can be compared to that of a man
whose house was taken away from him by a
stronger person. The stronger person would then
change all the locks so that when the real owner
returned, he would not know how to enter his
own house.’
We then introduced a financial system – money
(currency), banks, the stock market and linked it
with other stock markets in the world. We are
aware that your country may have valuable
minerals, which you may be able to extract….but
where would you sell them? We would push their
value to next-to-nothing in our stock markets.
You may have diamonds or oil in your country
Mr. Bopela, but we are in possession of the
formulas how they may be refined and made into
a product ready for sale on the stock markets,
which we control. You cannot eat diamonds and
drink oil even if you have these valuable
commodities. You have to bring them to our
stock markets.’
‘We control technology and communications.
You fellows cannot even fly an aeroplane, let
alone make one. This is the knowledge we kept
from you, deliberately.
Now that you have won, as you claim Mr.
Bopela, how do you plan to run all these things
you were prevented from learning? You will be
His Excellency this, and the Honorable this and
wear gold chains on your necks as mayors, but
you will have no power. Parliament after all is
just a talking house; it does not run the
economy; we do. We do not need to be in
parliament to rule your Zimbabwe. We have the
power of knowledge and vital skills, needed to
run the economy and create jobs. Without us,
your Zimbabwe will collapse. You see now what I
mean when I say you have won nothing? I know
what I am talking about. We could even
sabotage your economy and you would not know
what had happened.’
We were both silent for some time, I trying not
to show how devastating this information was to
me; Ron Peters maybe gloating. It was so true,
yet so painful.
In South Africa they had not only kept this
information from us, they had also destroyed
our education, so that when we won, we would
still not have the skills we needed because we
had been forbidden to become scientists and
engineers. I did not feel any anger towards the
man sitting opposite me, sipping a whisky. He
was right.
‘Even the Africans who had the skills we tried to
prevent you from having would be too few to
have an impact on our plan. The few who would
perhaps have acquired the vital skills would earn
very high salaries, and become a black elite
grouping, a class apart from fellow suffering
Africans,’ Ron Peters persisted. ‘If you
understand this Thula, you will probably succeed
in making your fellow blacks understand the
difference between ‘being in office’ and ‘being in
power’. Your leaders will be in office, but not in
power. This means that your parliamentary
majority will not enable you to run the
country….without us, that is.’
I asked Ron to call a taxi for me; I needed to
leave. The taxi arrived, not quickly enough for
me, who was aching to depart with my sorrow.
Ron then delivered the coup de grace:
‘What we are waiting to watch happening, after
your attainment of political power, is to see you
fighting over it. Africans fight over power, which
is why you have seen so many coups d’etat and
civil wars in post-independent Africa.
We whites consolidate power, which means we
share it, to stay strong.
We may have different political ideologies and
parties, but we do not kill each other over
political differences, not since Hi**er was
defeated in 1945.
Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe will not stay
friends for long. In your free South Africa, you
will do the same. There will be so many African
political parties opposing the ANC, parties that
are too afraid to come into existence during
apartheid, that we whites will not need to join in
the fray. Inside whichever ruling party will come
power, be it ZANU or the ANC, there will be
power struggles even inside the parties
themselves. You see Mr. Bopela, after the
struggle against the white man, a new struggle
will arise among yourselves, the struggle for
power. Those who hold power in Africa come
within grabbing distance of wealth. That is what
the new struggle will be about….the struggle for
power. Go well Mr. Bopela; I trust our meeting
was a fruitful one, as they say in politics.’
I shook hands with the Superintendent and
boarded my taxi. I spent that night in Bulawayo
at the YMCA, 9th Avenue. I slept deeply; I was
mentally exhausted and spiritually devastated. I
only had one consolation, a hope, however
remote. I hoped that when the ANC came into
power in South Africa, we would not do the
things Ron Peters had said we would do. We
would learn from the experiences of other
African countries, maybe Ghana and Nigeria, and
avoid coups d’etat and civil wars.
In 2007 at Polokwane, we had full-blown power
struggle between those who supported Thabo
Mbeki and Zuma’s supporters. Mbeki lost the
fight and his admirers broke away to form Cope.
The politics of individuals had started in the
ANC. The ANC will be going to Maungaung in
December to choose new leaders. Again, it is not
about which government policy will be best for
South Africa; foreign policy, economic,
educational, or social policy. It is about Jacob
Zuma, Kgalema Motlhante; it is about Fikile
Mbalula or Gwede Mantashe. Secret meetings are
reported to be happening, to plot the downfall
of this politician and the rise of the other one.
Why is it not about which leaders will best
implement the Freedom Charter, the pivotal
document? Is the contest over who will
implement the Charter better? If it was about
that, the struggle then would be over who can
sort out the poverty, landlessness,
unemployment, crime and education for the
impoverished black masses. How then do we
choose who the best leader would be if we do
not even know who will implement which
policies, and which policies are better than
others? We go to Mangaung to wage a power
struggle, period. President Zuma himself has
admitted that ‘in the broad church the ANC is,’
there are those who now seek only power,
wealth and success as individuals, not the nation.
In Zimbabwe the fight between President Robert
Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai has paralysed the
country. The people of Zimbabwe, a highly-
educated nation, are starving and work as
garden and kitchen help in South Africa.
What the white man told me in Bulawayo in 1980
is happening right in front of my eyes. We have
political power and are fighting over it, instead
of consolidating it. We have an economy that is
owned and controlled by them, and we are
fighting over the crumbs falling from the white
man’s ‘dining table’.
The power struggle that raged among ANC
leaders in the Western Cape cost the ANC that
province, and the opposition is winning other
municipalities where the ANC is squabbling
instead of delivering. Is it too much to
understand that the more we fight among
ourselves the weaker we become, and the
stronger the opposition becomes?
Thula Bopela writes in his personal capacity, and
the story he has told is true; he experienced
alone and thus is ultimately responsible for the
ideas in the article.

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