Dr. Martin Mushumba

Dr. Martin Mushumba This is a platform for public policy analysis and higher education advisory

BP Kills: It's Time To Heal:A friend phoned me late on a Sunday night. I hurriedly answered his phone even when it was l...
20/09/2026

BP Kills: It's Time To Heal:

A friend phoned me late on a Sunday night. I hurriedly answered his phone even when it was late because he is that veteran friend we worked with from the Civil Service days.

This is on a Sunday around 09 PM, when I generally opt to answer very few selected phone calls to give myself time to rest.

Me: Chief, long time. How are you? How is life and work?

Him: We are not fine. Tulelila nanomba Doc. Kaili imwe ba UPND stole ama election using the Zambia Army ๐Ÿคฆ๐Ÿฝโ€โ™‚๏ธ

Me: Really? What proof do you have? Why are you buying into fake propaganda as an experienced long serving Civil Servant?

Him: Doc, this election had no Civil Servant. It was either you were UPND or opposition.

Me: Mmh, that is a problem. We have a problem with our civil service then. I thought whilst Civil Servants might have their own political preferences, their sworn responsibility was to work with the government of the day?

Him: that is for you who are happy with this government. Ama elections yalipita we can't do anything but still more fye ba UPND apa they have stolen ama votes just like ba PF mu 2016. Suminenifye Doc tamwafwe ๐Ÿคฆ๐Ÿฝโ€โ™‚๏ธ๐Ÿคฆ๐Ÿฝโ€โ™‚๏ธ๐Ÿคฆ๐Ÿฝโ€โ™‚๏ธ

Me: Chief, it's a Sunday you need some rest. Goodbye ๐Ÿ‘‹๐Ÿฝ

This friend of mine is 54 years old. He has just remained with one year before his retirement. He was promised to be promoted to the position of Director or Permanent Secretary if a named opposition party had won. He is still serving in government under the Ministry of Youth, Sports and Art.

Please, heal guys. We only have one Government at a time! Let's support our Government. Elections are over, and it's now time to work and implement government policy with the assured loyalty of Christ to the Church. .

In fact, get this money from me to buy yourself some BP drugs as you nurse the pain of an election loss.

Dr. Martin Mushumba

Grow Zambia Agenda: Transport Must Drive GrowthThe Grow Zambia Agenda is President Hakainde Hichilema's economic develop...
20/09/2026

Grow Zambia Agenda: Transport Must Drive Growth

The Grow Zambia Agenda is President Hakainde Hichilema's economic development programme for his second term (2026โ€“2031). The agenda shifts focus from economic stabilization to aggressive production, job creation, and wealth building.

At the heart of the Grow Zambia agenda must be the evolutionary developments in the transport sector.

โœˆ๏ธ Air transport cannot continue to be a luxury. Imagine reducing the flight fair to Livingstone to K600 and how many flights you have in a day? Exalted this to Solwezi, Kasama, Mongu, Chipata etc.

๐Ÿš‰ We cannot continue on delaying the need to have fast trains. Imagine a fast train between Lusaka and Kabwe, between Lusaka and Kafue, between Lusaka and Chongwe? This will expand business opportunities for all these towns. People would live around Kabwe, Kafue, Chongwe Chisamba, Chibombo, Liteta, and still work in Lusaka. It would significantly reduce rentals around Lusaka and address the housing deficit.

๐Ÿš‰ Government cannot continue to be on the preriphery: Government must play a part in transport. Government must run transport to places that are of less economic importance. Government must run time bus services. Government must set the standard by running exemplary transport services.

๐Ÿ›ฃ Good roads must reach the remotest parts of our country. To take development and extend economic opportunities to the people in such places, take roads there. Bad roads give us loss of lives, injuries to accident victims, goods that don't reach their intended destination, damages to vehicles, and delayed delivery times,

๐Ÿšž Roads connecting all border points must be upgraded and border posts repurposed to run efficient businesses. You cannot have such jokes about borders like Shangombo, Chinyama, Jimbe, etc.

โฐ๏ธ Time buses must be an order of a functional transport system. You cannot get on a bus going to tow at 06:30hrs at Chawama Station then it starts to go in the opposite direction toward John Howard to look for more passengers.

โ›ด๏ธ Government must run water ferries in all places where people are reliant water transport to access.

๐ŸšžRoads to all key tourist attractions and historical sites must be upgraded. We can't have historical sites that cannot be visited. Roads to our national parks must all be upgraded. These parks are idle jobs. These parks are idle businesses.

At this point in time, the choice of the Minister of Transport must really be well considered. This is no longer any other Ministry to do business as usual: it is one that must take a central position in driving the Grow Zambia Agenda.

Dr. Martin Mushumba
Public Policy Specialist and Higher Education Quality Assurance Expert

The EUโ€™s Zambia Resolution: Selective Outrage and the Double Standards of Human Rights DiplomacyThe European Parliament ...
18/09/2026

The EUโ€™s Zambia Resolution: Selective Outrage and the Double Standards of Human Rights Diplomacy

The European Parliament has adopted a resolution on post-electoral developments and human rights in Zambia following the August 2026 general elections. It calls for an impartial investigation into the violence and the death of opposition figure and former government minister Mutotwe Kafwaya. It also raises concerns over the use of national security laws, demands an end to the detention and intimidation of opposition figures, and insists on transparent court proceedings and access to legal counsel. The resolution was adopted by 562 votes in favour, 1 against and 33 abstentions.

As a policy analyst, I begin with a clear statement: murder is murder, violence is violence, and arbitrary detention is wrong. No one should defend political killing. But the question is not whether the European Parliament can speak. It is why it speaks so loudly about Zambia while remaining silent about comparable or worse abuses elsewhere. That is the double standard.

If the EUโ€™s concern is genuinely universal, where are the resolutions on Kenyaโ€™s election-related deaths? Where are the 562-vote condemnations of Tanzaniaโ€™s deadly election crackdowns? Where is the urgent resolution on South Africaโ€™s xenophobic violence, which has killed hundreds of Africans? The European Parliament has too often been deafeningly silent on these tragedies. Its sudden moral energy for Zambia looks less like principle and more like selectivity.

Zambia is not without pain. The 2021 elections saw over five UPND supporters killed, and the PF era was marked by fatal political violence. The killing of Mutotwe Kafwaya is a grave tragedy that deserves justice. But one horrific case does not justify painting an entire country as lawless or suggesting that arbitrary arrests are a state policy. The EU resolution risks sensationalising a complex national situation and misleading the world.

The timing also invites suspicion. The EU and Zambia have close partnerships through the Global Gateway strategy and raw materials agreements. Zambia declined aid that was tied to critical raw materials. Must the European Parliamentโ€™s resolution be read as political arm-twisting on the Zambian government? It is not overthinking to ask whether the EU wants to pressure a legitimate government, or even to create conditions for a more pliable administration. I do not claim every MEP has that motive, but the selectivity and timing demand an explanation. The urgency is questionable and suggests vested interest.

The rule of law in Zambia must be left to Zambian institutions. Zambiaโ€™s courts have a record of independent judgment. Matters of arrest, bail and prosecution belong in Zambian courtrooms, not in European parliamentary chambers. The EU can support capacity-building, monitor trials and encourage fair process. It should not prejudge cases or imply that Zambiaโ€™s judiciary is a puppet. Every detainee should be informed of charges and have access to a lawyer and a fair trial. But that is a universal standard, not a licence for foreign political intervention.

The European Parliament is right to call for freedom of expression, press freedom, assembly and association. Those are universal rights. But universality means consistency. The EU cannot demand independent investigations in Zambia while ignoring killings in Kenya, Tanzania or South Africa. It cannot denounce national security laws in Zambia while treating similar laws elsewhere as inconvenient. It cannot claim to be a neutral human rights arbiter while using human rights as a bargaining chip for raw materials and geopolitical influence.

My message to the Members of the European Parliament is simple: be forthright, not sensational. Stop misleading the world into believing that Zambia is in a state of lawlessness or that targeted arbitrary arrests are the order of the day. If you care about African lives, care about all African lives. Table resolutions on Kenya, Tanzania, South Africa and every other case with the same urgency. Support Zambiaโ€™s institutions rather than undermining them. Let Zambian courts do their work. TRue accountability corrects the course without destroying the dignity of the nation.

Zambia is a sovereign country, not a European project. Its democracy, its courts and its people deserve respect. Suffice to mention that we must hold nations to the highest standards with a firm hand, not a mocking tongue because the goal of international justice is reformation and responsibility, not ridicule. The EU should abandon double standards and engage as a genuine partner and not as a selective judge. True partnership requires consistency. Until then, the European Parliamentโ€™s resolution on Zambia will be remembered not as a defence of human rights, but as a case study in selective outrage.

Dr. Martin Mushumba
Public Policy Specialist and Higher Education Quality Assurance Expert

The Role of Opposition in a Constitutional Democracy:  Restoring Functional Equilibrium to Zambian PoliticsBy Dr. Martin...
15/09/2026

The Role of Opposition in a Constitutional Democracy: Restoring Functional Equilibrium to Zambian Politics

By Dr. Martin Mushumba
Democracy, at its most resilient, is an intricate system of competing yet complementary mandates. In the aftermath of an election, a nationโ€™s political energy transitions from the high-stakes contest for power to the structured, sober work of governance. Under this framework, the electorate bestows upon the victorious party a clear executive mandate to implement its manifesto, deploy its policy frameworks, and steer the nation's socio-economic destiny. Simultaneously, democratic constitutionalism assigns to the opposition a vital counter-role: to scrutinize executive power, demand transparency, enforce institutional accountability, and present compelling policy alternatives.

However, an unsettling trend has taken root within segments of Zambiaโ€™s political landscape. Rather than functioning within the traditional bounds of legislative oversight and policy critique, portions of the political opposition appear to operate under a fundamentally flawed premise. Their discourse often moves past challenging the efficiency or outcomes of President Hakainde Hichilemaโ€™s policies; instead, they demand that the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) administration govern according to the opposition's own ideological prescriptions.

When the elected government departs from these unvoted mandates, its decisions are routinely framed not simply as policy disagreements, but as fundamentally illegitimate.

This posture represents a deep conceptual confusion regarding the mechanics of representative democracy. An opposition party, regardless of its history or electoral strength, cannot function as a shadow executive or a parallel authority. When an elected government takes office, it does so with the explicit backing of the voters who selected its platform over competing agendas. To suggest that the governing party must adopt the operational philosophy, priorities, or strategic pace of its political rivals is to negate the very purpose of an election. A country cannot be driven by multiple steering wheels, nor can it operate under conflicting strategic blueprints without risking governance paralysis.

Opposition is indispensable to democracy. Indeed, a democracy without an effective opposition is dangerously incomplete. The opposition must scrutinise those in power, expose weaknesses, demand accountability, challenge questionable decisions and present alternative policy choices. Where the government fails, the opposition must say so and explain what it would do differently.

The core responsibility of opposition politics in a thriving republic is constructive scrutiny, not structural disruption. Effective opposition requires the discipline to acknowledge that the executive has the sovereign right and indeed the democratic duty to execute the agenda for which it was elected. Therefore, the role of the opposition is to test those policies against public interest, expose inefficiencies, offer well-researched alternative strategies, and hold ministers accountable for their deliverables. But neither does the opposition acquire a parallel mandate to direct how the executive must govern.

When the opposition attempts to dictate the precise manner in which the executive exercises its lawful authority, it blurs the constitutional boundaries that protect political order. It transforms necessary debate into chronic friction, reducing public policy to a perpetual campaign where every executive decision is treated as an infraction rather than an exercise of electoral mandate. This persistent push to re-litigate the electorate's choice creates unnecessary political noise, distracting from the substantive debates required to address Zambia's pressing economic, social, and structural challenges.

Zambia has one elected government at any given time. Following an election, the electorate gives the winning political party a mandate to implement the programme on which it sought public support. That mandate does not mean the governing party has unlimited power. It remains subject to the Constitution, Parliament, the courts, independent institutions, the media and, ultimately, the people.

For Zambiaโ€™s democratic institutions to mature, a clear operational distinction must be restored between the governing mandate and the oppositional role:
โ€ข Respect for the Electoral Mandate: The governing party must be permitted the institutional room to execute its development agenda, test its policies, and be judged by the citizenry on the outcomes produced at the end of its legal term.
โ€ข Focus on Policy Alternatives Over Structural Obstruction: The opposition fulfills its civic duty not by attempting to direct executive behavior, but by offering clear, credible, and fully articulated alternative policies that demonstrate how they would govern differently if given the mandate.
โ€ข Elevating Parliamentary and Public Debate: Scrutiny should center on measurable metrics such as fiscal management, service delivery, rule of law, and economic development rather than ideological entitlement or procedural contestation over the right to govern.

Democracy does not demand uniformity of thought, nor does it ask the opposition to remain silent. On the contrary, a robust, rigorous, and intelligent opposition is the lifeblood of accountability. But there is a fundamental difference between holding a government accountable to the public interest and attempting to override its legitimate authority with an unelected vision of governance.

If the governing party chooses policy option A while the opposition prefers option B, the democratic response is not to insist that option A is illegitimate simply because it is different from B. The opposition's responsibility is to explain why B would be better, provide evidence, persuade citizens and, if sufficiently convincing, seek a mandate to implement B at the next election. That is how democratic competition is supposed to work.

Clearly, an opposition party cannot simultaneously reject the government's programme, demand that the government implement its own preferred programme, and then describe every departure from that prescription as evidence of governmental failure.
Zambiaโ€™s constitutional democracy depends on mutual recognition of these distinct roles. The executive must govern with humility, transparency, and fidelity to the constitution, while the opposition must oppose by offering viable alternatives rather than demanding parallel control. By reclaiming this functional balance, Zambia can move past perpetual political contestation and anchor its democratic culture in sound policy, mutual respect, and national progress.

The author is a Public Policy Specialist and Higher Education Quality Assurance Expert based in Lusaka, Zambia.

ACC OFFICIALLY HANDS OVER FORFEITED HIGH VALUE PROPERTY TO HEAThe Anti- Corruption Commission Zambia (ACC) has once agai...
14/09/2026

ACC OFFICIALLY HANDS OVER FORFEITED HIGH VALUE PROPERTY TO HEA

The Anti- Corruption Commission Zambia (ACC) has once again demonstrated the tangible impact of its unwavering fight against corruption by officially handing over a high-value property worth over twenty two million kwacha (ZMW 22m ) to the Higher Education Authority (HEA).

The property is a prime asset complete three-bedroom housing unit Located in Kingsland City, Lusaka. This was successfully forfeited to the State following corruption prosecutions. The ACCโ€™s relentless efforts in securing convictions and asset forfeitures send a resounding, inescapable message to the public: corruption does not pay, and illicitly acquired wealth will ultimately return to the Zambian people.

What makes this milestone truly commendable is the vision behind redirecting forfeited wealth toward national development. By allocating high-value assets and funds to the higher education sector, the ACC and the Ministry of Finance and National Planning are actively transforming the proceeds of crime into life-changing educational opportunities.

โ€ข Direct Impact on Youth: Over the years, funds recovered from forfeitures have directly bolstered student loan schemes, empowering over 11,570 university students to pursue their academic dreams without financial distress.
โ€ข Building a Stronger Society: Investing recovered public wealth back into education ensures that recovered resources directly benefit the future leaders, innovators, and workforce of our nation.

The ACCโ€™s decision to support the higher education sector proves that anti-corruption efforts extend beyond prosecution. It shows the commitment toward restoration, social justice, and national building. Converting forfeited property into assets that serve higher learning institutions safeguards public resources while directly enriching society. Suffice to mention that this far the focus, resilience, and determination shown by ACC Director General Ms. Daphne Pauline Soko Chabu and her team are commendable and gives hope to the country in this corruption crusade.

We warmly applaud the ACC, and all partner institutions involved in Phase 9 of the distribution of forfeited assets for their steadfast commitment to transparency, accountability, and the rule of law. May the Anti-Corruption Commission continue to achieve resounding success in protecting our national resources and paving the way for a cleaner, brighter Zambia.

Dr. Martin Mushumba
Public Policy Specialist and Higher Education Quality Assurance Expert

Do Not Turn the Zambia Army into a Political BattlegroundBy Dr. Martin Mushumba There comes a point in political contest...
14/09/2026

Do Not Turn the Zambia Army into a Political Battleground

By Dr. Martin Mushumba
There comes a point in political contestation when criticism ceases to be legitimate scrutiny and begins to become dangerous to the nation. I believe Zambia must pay close attention to that point.

In the aftermath of the 2026 general elections, there has been an increasingly troubling pattern in which sections of the political opposition have extended their criticism beyond the Government and its policies to the Zambia Army itself and, more recently, its senior leadership.

Questions surrounding the conduct of the elections, the deployment of security personnel and particular military operations are legitimate subjects for public debate. In a democracy, no public institution should be beyond scrutiny.

But there is an important distinction between holding an institution accountable and deliberately destroying public confidence in it. That distinction appears to be getting lost.

The Zambia Army is not a political party. It is not UPND. It is not PF. It does not belong to the President, the Government or the opposition. It belongs to the Republic of Zambia. That simple fact should guide our political discourse.

Our Constitution envisages a Defence Force that is professional, disciplined, patriotic and non-partisan. It also places the Defence Force under civilian authority and within the framework of the Constitution and the law.

This constitutional arrangement is fundamental to Zambiaโ€™s democratic stability. It means that the military must not become a political instrument. At the same time, politicians must be extremely careful not to drag the military into partisan politics through rhetoric designed to undermine its legitimacy.

No one is saying that the Zambia Army should be immune from accountability but that political contestation must not become a campaign to undermine one of our countryโ€™s most important institutions.

If a soldier commits an offence, that soldier must be investigated. If a military procurement process is corrupt, it must be investigated. If public resources have been misappropriated, the relevant institutions must act. If military personnel abuse civilians, there must be accountability. If a deployment raises constitutional or legal questions, those questions should be subjected to appropriate scrutiny. That is what a constitutional democracy is supposed to do.

We should therefore be careful about the political culture we are creating. Today, political anger may be directed at one Army Commander. Tomorrow, it could be directed at another. Today, the target may be the military. Tomorrow, another national institution could become the object of similar attacks.

Eventually, citizens may begin to trust neither the military, the police, Parliament, the Electoral Commission, the courts nor any other institution of the State. That would be a profoundly dangerous Zambia.

What is concerning now is the growing tendency to publish extraordinarily serious allegations through social media and political platforms and present them to the public as established facts before competent institutions have investigated them.

Allegations of murder, corruption, electoral manipulation, political coups, war crimes, tribalism and other grave offences cannot responsibly be treated as facts merely because they have been repeated many times. An allegation is not a finding. A social-media post is not a court judgment. An anonymous source is not automatically credible evidence. A politically convenient narrative is not an investigative report. Similary, repetition does not transform an allegation into truth.

The mere presence of soldiers in an election-period security environment does not, by itself, establish electoral interference, a coup or an attempt to subvert democracy. If evidence exists of unlawful conduct, let that evidence be examined. If wrongdoing occurred, let those responsible answer for it. But institutions should not be convicted through political rhetoric before evidence has been tested.

Political parties are temporary. Governments are temporary. Presidents are temporary. Army commanders are temporary. The State is permanent. The soldiers serving Zambia today will continue serving the country after todayโ€™s political actors have left office. The institution itself must therefore be protected from the political passions of any particular electoral cycle.

Persistent claims that the Army is partisan, politically captured or inherently hostile to democratic processes can have consequences far beyond the immediate political dispute. They can weaken public confidence in the institution, damage civil-military relations and create suspicion between citizens and those entrusted with defending the country. That is not merely a question of reputation. It is an institutional concern.

A country cannot maintain a healthy civil-military relationship when the military is continually portrayed as illegitimate or politically captured without credible evidence to support such claims. Once confidence in national institutions begins to erode, rebuilding it can take years, sometimes generations. Therefore, those who genuinely want the Army to remain outside politics must resist the temptation to make the institution itself a political battlefield.

If we want a professional and non-partisan Defence Force, then soldiers must be allowed to remain soldiers and political parties must remain political parties. Political parties should not determine the reputation of the Army through propaganda or unsupported allegations.

The Army has safeguards for maintaining itโ€™s neutrality. It remains accountable to the Constitution and civilian authority. But accountability should be pursued through lawful institutions, credible evidence and established investigative processes and not through trial by social media.

In a nutshell, Zambiaโ€™s democracy should not be built on the destruction of institutions due to political disagreements. Zambia must reject the practice of making allegations first and seeking evidence later. That is not accountability. It risks becoming political weaponisation.

The author is a Public Policy Specialist and Higher Education Quality Assurance Expert

๐—ฃ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—œ๐——๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—›๐—œ๐—–๐—›๐—œ๐—Ÿ๐—˜๐— ๐—” ๐—ง๐—ข ๐—ข๐—™๐—™๐—œ๐—–๐—œ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—Ÿ๐—ฌ ๐—ข๐—ฃ๐—˜๐—ก ๐—ฃ๐—”๐—ฅ๐—Ÿ๐—œ๐—”๐— ๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—ข๐—ก ๐Ÿต๐—ง๐—› ๐—ข๐—–๐—ง๐—ข๐—•๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—ถ) ๐Ÿญ๐Ÿณ๐—ง๐—› ๐—ฆ๐—˜๐—ฃ๐—ง๐—˜๐— ๐—•๐—˜๐—ฅ, ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฒ โ€” The Electoral Commission of Za...
12/09/2026

๐—ฃ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฆ๐—œ๐——๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—›๐—œ๐—–๐—›๐—œ๐—Ÿ๐—˜๐— ๐—” ๐—ง๐—ข ๐—ข๐—™๐—™๐—œ๐—–๐—œ๐—”๐—Ÿ๐—Ÿ๐—ฌ ๐—ข๐—ฃ๐—˜๐—ก ๐—ฃ๐—”๐—ฅ๐—Ÿ๐—œ๐—”๐— ๐—˜๐—ก๐—ง ๐—ข๐—ก ๐Ÿต๐—ง๐—› ๐—ข๐—–๐—ง๐—ข๐—•๐—˜๐—ฅ

๐—ถ) ๐Ÿญ๐Ÿณ๐—ง๐—› ๐—ฆ๐—˜๐—ฃ๐—ง๐—˜๐— ๐—•๐—˜๐—ฅ, ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฒ โ€” The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) is expected to submit the ๐— ๐—ถ๐˜…๐—ฒ๐—ฑ-๐— ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜ to Parliament.

๐—ถ๐—ถ) ๐Ÿฎ๐—ก๐—— ๐—ข๐—–๐—ง๐—ข๐—•๐—˜๐—ฅ, ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฒ โ€” Election of the ๐—ฆ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ผ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฃ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ข๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€ of the National Assembly.

Take note that UPND and President Hakainde Hichilema have endorsed the current Speaker of the National Assembly, ๐— ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ฎ๐—บ ๐—ก๐—ฒ๐—น๐—น๐˜† ๐— ๐˜‚๐˜๐˜๐—ถ, ๐—ฆ๐—–, to continue for a second term after her extraordinary leadership lead to evolutionary reforms characterizing modern governance in Zambia.

๐—ถ๐—ถ๐—ถ) ๐Ÿต๐—ง๐—› ๐—ข๐—–๐—ง๐—ข๐—•๐—˜๐—ฅ, ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฌ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฒ โ€” President Hakainde Hichilema is expected to ๐—ผ๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐˜† ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฃ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜.

Take note of these are important dates as the country transitions into the new parliamentary term following the general election.

Parliament is vital in Zambiaโ€™s democracy because it makes laws, approves national spending, and holds the executive branch accountable.

In Zambia's constitutional democracy, parliament acts as the legislative branch and works through core functions defined by the national constitution.

Key Roles of Parliament in Zambia
1. Lawmaking: Members of Parliament (MPs) debate, amend, and pass bills that become the laws of the land.

2. Oversight and Accountability: Parliament monitors government actions, questions cabinet ministers, and scrutinizes public spending to prevent abuse of power.

3. Budget Approval: MPs review and authorize the national budget, public debt, and taxation measures before funds are used by state organs.

4. Citizen Representation: Elected MPs bring the specific needs, local concerns, and development goals of their constituencies to the national level.

Dr. Martin Mushumba
Public Policy and Higher Education Quality Assurance Expert

Our 1980s retro ....
11/09/2026

Our 1980s retro ....

Guardians of the Nation: Why the Zambia Army's Role in Election Security Protects DemocracyIn recent weeks, the decision...
10/09/2026

Guardians of the Nation: Why the Zambia Army's Role in Election Security Protects Democracy

In recent weeks, the decision to deploy the Zambia Army to bolster internal security during general elections has generated intense national debate. Commentators, including respected retired military personnel, have expressed reservations, arguing that bringing the military into domestic security operations risks entangling our armed forces in the political arena. Some have gone so far as to label the engagement unprofessional or unethical.

However, a fair, objective, and strategic evaluation of civil-military relations reveals a fundamentally different narrative: the Zambia Army is not interfering in politics; it is fulfilling a constitutional imperative to safeguard peace, protect public interest, and preserve the integrity of our democratic process.

To understand the deployment of the military during national elections, one must first look to the constitutional framework governing our nation. Under the Constitution of Zambia, the Republican President serves as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. This title is far more than symbolic; it carries the ultimate constitutional obligation to ensure the safety of every citizen, maintain public order, and protect the state against threats both external and internal.
The President does not act in a vacuum. The decision to call upon the defense forces is informed by rigorous, actionable intelligence provided by the stateโ€™s security apparatus.

Riots and other disturbances may create hurdles in elections but it would be more appropriate if the will of people is upheld for formation of Government through electoral process. Therefore, the Presidentโ€™s decision to call for the Zambia Army support is commendable and a cherished effort in upholding democracy. When intelligence reports indicate heightened security risks, political violence, or potential lawlessness that could overwhelm conventional civilian law enforcement, the Commander-in-Chief must act decisively. Deploying the Zambia Army in an auxiliary role to support the Zambia Police Service is a proactive, intelligence-driven measure designed to prevent unrest before it erupts. It is an act of responsible statecraft aimed entirely at protecting innocent lives and public property.

Critics who frame the militaryโ€™s presence as a novel or partisan maneuver overlook both national history and institutional reality. The engagement of the armed forces to secure general elections is neither unprecedented in Zambia nor tied to any single political administration.
In the lead-up to the 2021 general elections, former President Edgar Chagwa Lungu similarly authorized the deployment of the military, including the Zambia Army, Zambia Air Force, and Zambia National Service to reinforce police efforts following escalating political violence.

That decision, much like current operational measures, was rooted in the stateโ€™s duty to maintain stability. The Zambia Army is a professional, non-partisan institution bound by oath to serve the nation and the Constitution, regardless of which political party forms government. Recognizing this historical continuity underscores a vital truth: the military operates as a neutral guarantor of order, not an instrument of political influence.

Around the globe, the deployment of armed forces during high-stakes elections is a recognized and widely accepted practice in mature and emerging democracies alike. South Africa, Ghana, India and Brazil, all routinely rely on their militaries to secure electoral periods. In these jurisdictions, the military plays two distinct, essential roles:
โ€ข Logistical Support: Defence forces provide critical support, delivering ballot materials to remote, inaccessible terrain and ensuring that every citizen can exercise their constitutional right to vote.
โ€ข Deterrence and Deterring Intimidation: The presence of highly disciplined, well-trained soldiers acts as a powerful deterrent against cadre violence, voter intimidation, and criminal disorder.

Overall, the practice in Africa is that the Army is widely used in elections to do the following tasks:
1. guard and secure and transport security sensitive material.
2. securing polling stations
3. secure and transport ballot boxes.
4. transport additional material.
5. secure election commission premises.
6. secure the verification centre.
7. transport by road/helicopter ballots to remote areas.

Therefore, far from suppressing democracy, a professional military presence actively enables it. By creating a calm and secure environment, the Army ensures that citizens can walk to polling stations without fear, cast their ballots freely, and accept the democratic outcome with confidence.

By law and military tradition, serving members of the Zambia Army cannot enter the political arena to address public criticism, debate commentators, or defend their actions. They carry out their duties in disciplined silence. Unfairly attacking our prime military unit or questioning their ethics during times of national duty risks eroding public trust in the very institution that stands as our final line of defense.

The Zambia Armyโ€™s role during elections is auxiliary and works strictly in aid of civil power to preserve law and order. In this regard, calling on citizens to support our soldiers is not a matter of partisan alignment; it is a matter of national unity. As Zambia continues to set an example of democratic resilience across the region, let us honour and support the dedicated men and women in uniform who risk everything to keep our nation safe, peaceful, and free.

Suffice to mention that the use of the military in the 2026 general elections were restricted to maintain law and order and in no way more than that. All activities related to elections were under the direct control of the independent Electoral Commission of Zambia. This is different from West Africa where the military is used for security and logistics purposes.

Dr. Martin Mushumba
Public Policy Analyst and Higher Education Quality Assurance Expert

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