Committee of the Peoples Charter - CPC

Committee of the Peoples Charter - CPC The CPC is a Zimbabwean political economic, social and democratic accountability mechanism established in the interests of the people of Zimbabwe.

27/10/2017

Greetings.

The Committee of the Peoples Charter in partnership with Organizing for Zimbabwe Trust and the Citizen Manifesto cordially invite you to the belated Samora Machel Memorial Lecture at SAPES Trust on the 2nd of November 2017 from 17.30 pm to 20.00hrs.

This year’s theme for the lecture is: Looking beyond the Liberation Struggle – People-to-People Solidarity in Consolidating Democracy and Socio-Economic Transformation in Southern Africa

Secretary General of the Zimbabwe Liberation War Veterans Association (ZLWVA) Cde Victor Matemadanda will present the key-note address for the lecture which will also have the following speakers:

Professor David Moore (University of Johannesburg) - Chairing

Cde Koliwe Majama (Committee of the People’s Charter) - Speaker

Cde Briggs Bomba (Citizens Manifesto) – Speaker

You are all welcome. Admission is free of charge.

Regards

All this points out to some interesting observations, that Mugabe’s role in the liberation struggle is rather a vanitisa...
23/10/2017

All this points out to some interesting observations, that Mugabe’s role in the liberation struggle is rather a vanitisation of a narcissist geriatric posing, and posting his selfies.

A blog about Zimbabwe's political analysis

Therefore, the civic society should remain independent, and never should we compromise on the aims and aspirations laid ...
10/02/2017

Therefore, the civic society should remain independent, and never should we compromise on the aims and aspirations laid out in the People’s Charter. It still remains a revolutionary programme that is rooted in the people with a clear mandate.
http://blevava.blogspot.co.za/2017/02/the-zimbabwe-peoples-charter-and.html

A blog about Zimbabwe's political analysis

Committee of the Peoples Charter invites you all to this year's Samora Machel Memorial Lecture today, 03 November 2016, ...
03/11/2016

Committee of the Peoples Charter invites you all to this year's Samora Machel Memorial Lecture today, 03 November 2016, 17:00hrs-19:00hrs @ Sapes Trust, 4 Deary Street, Belgravia.

The Lecture has become an annual event on the CPC calendar in providing a platform to celebrate one of Africa’s iconic leaders who championed the broad goal of democratic governance not only in Mozambique where he led the struggle for independence, but in several countries especially in Southern Africa that were at the time under the yoke of white colonial domination. His legacy remains an inspiration for many across the continent and as such we take the day to remember this legacy and provide a platform to critically reflect on what we can learn from this esteemed legacy as we continue on the journey that was started by Samora and his contemporaries.

Note this lecture was supposed to be held on the 19th of October, but however, cancelled due to other pressing issues.

Committee of the People’s Charter invites you all to the Samora Machel Lecture on Wednesday 19 October 2016, Quill Club,...
17/10/2016

Committee of the People’s Charter invites you all to the Samora Machel Lecture on Wednesday 19 October 2016, Quill Club, New Ambassador @ 17:30pm.

Topic: The Forgotten War – Civil Strife in Mozambique as we look back at the Legacy of Samora Machel in the Making of Democracy in Africa.

Guest Speaker: Douglas Mahiya, Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association Spokesperson
Other Panelists are :

Terence Chitapi- African Democracy Forum Management Committee Member

Representative of the Mozambican Civil Society

The Lecture has become an annual event on the CPC calendar in providing a platform to celebrate one of Africa’s iconic leaders who championed the broad goal of democratic governance not only in Mozambique where he led the struggle for independence, but in several countries especially in Southern Africa that were at the time under the yoke of white colonial domination. His legacy remains an inspiration for many across the continent and as such we take the day to remember this legacy and provide a platform to critically reflect on what we can learn from this esteemed legacy as we continue on the journey that was started by Samora and his contemporaries.

For More information call or text

+263 718290302/ +263 775024241

Samora Machel 2015 Lecture in picturesTheme: Generational Perspectives of Samora's Legacy: Embracing a Revolutionary Fut...
20/10/2015

Samora Machel 2015 Lecture in pictures

Theme: Generational Perspectives of Samora's Legacy: Embracing a Revolutionary Future

19/10/2015

Dear Colleagues

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) cordially invites you to the Samora Machel 2015 Lecture at Quill Club, New Ambassador Hotel @ 17:30 hrs.

Theme: Generational Perspectives on Samora's Legacy: Embaracing a revolutionary future.

See you there

It is however this desperation in the teaching profession that has seen it struggle to defend its autonomy and professio...
09/09/2015

It is however this desperation in the teaching profession that has seen it struggle to defend its autonomy and professionalism. Because of divisions within its rank and file, and the motivation of largely wanting to get that pay check, government has been able to target teaching and teachers as the first arena of its intentions of downsizing the civil service. The reasons that have been given are largely quantitative, that is, removing ghost teachers from the government pay roll. Or arbitrarily reinforcing teacher qualification criteria in order to reduce the wage bill.

http://takura-zhangazha.blogspot.com/2015/09/in-defence-of-zim-teachers-only-if-they.html

07/09/2015

Quote of the Day

“The ever more sophisticated weapons piling up in the arsenals of the wealthiest and the mightiest can kill the illiterate, the ill, the poor and the hungry, but they cannot kill ignorance, illness, poverty or hunger.”

Fidel Castro

08/07/2015

Committee of the Peoples Charter

Think, Act, Lead

Position Paper Number 3

The Diaspora and Resuscitating Zimbabwe’s economy: Increasing the Diaspora contribution to the national economy is to increase their rights as well.

Issued 8 July 2015

1.0 The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) notes that the development of any nation is chiefly driven by its citizens – both within and without the country. The latter constitutes a rich cross-section of the country’s human capital that is resident in other countries, constituted by both skilled and unskilled labour. This population is commonly referred to as the Diaspora.

1.1 Various reasons, to varying degrees, and over different time periods have led to many Zimbabweans leaving the country; the post 2000 political and economic instability being the most recent to have forced citizens to leave the country.

1.2 It is currently estimated that 3 or 4 million Zimbabweans are living abroad, the greater majority being resident in Southern Africa. A United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) paper on ‘The Potential Contribution of the Zimbabwe Diaspora to Economic Recovery’ produced in 2010 suggests that South Africa alone is estimated to have in excess of 2 million Zimbabweans, and close to half a million in the UK.

1.3 The general trend has seen Zimbabweans migrating to countries with more developed democratic cultures such as South Africa, the UK, USA, Botswana, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. This postulates the absence or lack of democracy or a democratic culture in Zimbabwe as a major push factor influencing this outward migration.

1.4 This departure of the skilled labour component has immensely contributed to the phenomenon of ‘brain drain’ which consequently has had a negative impact on economic growth and overall development. This flight of skilled personnel has had the most negative impact on the health and education systems.

2.0 For a long time now, and especially in the wake of a deteriorating economy, Zimbabwe has been receiving substantial support from her Diaspora. This support has been mostly in the form of remittances to family and friends, as well as transfers between people and organizations.

2.1 Official figures from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe show that in 2013 alone, Zimbabwe received US$1, 8 billion through money transfer agencies and the formal banking sector, though this represents a slight decline from the 2012 figures of around US$2, 1 billion.

2.2 The government of Zimbabwe has as a result moved to capitalize on this reality with manoeuvres being made to tap from this huge inflow of funds so that the local economy benefits from Diaspora savings.

2.3 Recently the Minister of Finance and Economic Development has proposed for the government to formalize platforms for engagement with the Diaspora through the Zimbabwe Diaspora Home Interface Programme (ZDHIP).

2.4 This is emanating from the reality that the vast majority of remittances to Zimbabwe by her Diaspora are not coming through official government channels, from which the government can tap into and be able to drive the Diaspora savings’ contribution to the national economy.

2.5 Many cite distrust of the government by its citizens as the main reason, especially in its (government’s) handling of the banking sector in particular, and the economy in general.

3.0 However, these enthusiastic manoeuvres to tap into the contribution of the Diaspora have not been matched by equal enthusiasm to accord the Diaspora their rights as legitimate, well-serving and patriotic citizens of Zimbabwe.

3.1 Of particular concern is the constant denial, despite spirited albeit false claims by the drafters of our constitution of the inclusion of the provision for a Diaspora vote, which does not exist in the current national constitution.

3.2 This contempt for the Diaspora by the regime is also noted in the silence of key blueprints such as Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (ZimAsset) which fails to capture the contribution of the Zimbabwean Diaspora to the establishment of a genuinely sustainable socio-economic transformation.

3.3 Indeed, and to the contrary, we have had to listen time and again as Zanu PF and at times government representatives pour scorn on the Diaspora for having exercised their right to search for greener pastures outside Zimbabwe as the economy continues to deteriorate.

3.4 While a significant majority has left the country for chiefly economic reasons, an almost equal proportion cite bad governance and politics as the reason compelling their departure to other countries. Some have genuinely fled persecution of all kind from the ruling elite as it has used every possible trick in the book to hold on to power.

4.0 It is the humble submission of the Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) that any engagement with the Zimbabwean Diaspora especially where it pertains to their contribution to the development of the nation should be hinged on the genuine recognition of Zimbabweans abroad, as full and legitimate citizens of this country, with equal rights and opportunities as citizens resident in the country.

4.1 The government should genuinely recognize the Diaspora as part of our country’s demography and therefore ensure that the same rights as enjoyed by citizens resident in the country are also accorded to and enjoyed by the Diaspora.

4.2 Chief among these rights is the right to be involved in the governance of their country; this by being accorded the constitutionally prescribed right to ‘vote in all elections and referendums’.

4.3 There is no judicious reason for the Zimbabwean Diaspora to be denied this fundamental right to participate in elections from which-ever country they are resident, through the same means by which other citizens resident, such as state employees at foreign embassies in the Diaspora are accorded an opportunity to vote.

4.4 The inherent right of the Diaspora to contribute to the national economy and to the general development of the country should be matched by the enjoyment of the Diaspora of all fundamental rights and freedoms that are accorded to all citizens of Zimbabwe by the national constitution.

5.0 It should be inherent upon government to ensure that it engages with all its citizens, both within and outside the country, so that it is primarily the needs, wishes and aspirations of these citizens that informs national progress and development.

5.1 This should ideally begin with the inclusive drafting of a holistic Diaspora Policy Paper that takes into consideration the needs of all citizens; taking into consideration the existence of both push and pull factors influencing outward migration from Zimbabwe.

5.2 Serious thought should be made by all stakeholders, including government, business and civil society actors towards the formulation of an inclusive ‘Framework for Re-engaging the Diaspora’. This should take into consideration the diversity that exists within the Diaspora and how they also feed into various spheres of the well-functioning of the nation state.

5.3 Government must also take it as its chief responsibility, to creating an environment that will encourage its citizens to stay in the country and also more importantly encourage those outside to return, and champion the development and progress of the nation.

5.4 Consideration should also be put on building the confidence and collective trust of citizens in the governance and overall macro-economic management of the country, as basics, in retaining as well as attracting skilled labour in both the private and public sectors.

5.5 It should be noted that while Diaspora remittances may be critical in supporting households and alleviating poverty in the short-term, the return of skilled labour in both the public and private sectors can be a sure cog in the long term economic stability and development of the country.

5.6 It is and should be one of the government’s key priorities to ensure that the environment in the country is sufficient to accord all citizens, without discrimination on whatever grounds, equal opportunities and right to self-actualization; this in pursuit of a socially just, democratic and open society, based on the fundamental ideal of a social democratic state, where citizens own and drive national processes, progress and development.

Issued by the Diaspora and International Solidarity Committee of the Committee of the Peoples Charter

16/06/2015

Committee of the Peoples Charter

Think. Act. Lead.

Position Paper Number 2

The Elitist Character of Zimbabwe’s New Constitution and Understanding Our Undemocratic Contemporary Political Order

Issue Date: 15 June 2015

1.1 The legal reality that is Zimbabwe’s new constitution, in the two years that is has existed, was never intended as the ushering in of a new democratic era for the country. This is despite the controversial constitutional outreach and eventual referendum that saw 3 million people voting in favour and 178 489 voting against the supreme legal document of the country.

1.2 Since its promulgation into law following presidential assent on 22 May 2013 and its established framework for the holding of harmonised elections on 31 July of the same year, the new constitution has taken on its true character of being an incremental, elitist and political power seeking document.

1.3 This is evidenced not only by its transitional clauses in relation to executive authority, but also the fact that it has not resulted in any significant democratic shift in the way in which the people of Zimbabwe are governed.

1.4 What it has unfortunately led to is a continuation of the concentration of power in the hands of executive, an expansion of the institutional reach of the same through guided devolution and decentralization of the state, a default bill of rights that depends on state benevolence for it to be justiciable and a parliament that serves more as a distribution of state largess than it does democratic oversight of the executive.

1.5 But perhaps the most critically disparaging aspect of the new constitution is less its incrementalist content and more its elite functionalism without any indications of it being structured to deliver a new people driven democratic culture.

1.6 The signs of the latter are to be found in the already announced intention to amend it by the ruling Zanu PF Party. Not that constitutions cannot be amended but to change them so soon after a national referendum betrays the actual character of the document as one of political expediency as opposed to organic entrenchment of democratic values and principles.

1.7 It is within this context that the new constitution cannot be viewed as people driven, democratic or a final document that will best serve posterity. This is argued because of the following key reasons:

a) The new constitution was a political party compromise document that was negotiated during the tenure of the inclusive government. This fact is perhaps what most cripples the new constitution. Being devoid of the key political element of being established for posterity and undermined by the political expediency that was the inclusive government, it becomes a document that remains relevant largely to those that at any one given point yield state power, over and above any organic social democratic meaning to the citizens of the country.

b) The national referendum that preceded its promulgation, was politicized to the extent of being a dress rehearsal for the subsequent June 2013 harmonised elections. It was therefore not just a referendum in the broadest possible understanding of the term but a cajoling of the Zimbabwean people to accept that which the political elite had deemed to be correct. To this extent a great number of Zimbabweans still do not know let alone the comprehend the full import of the new constitution. This is a reality that underpins the fact of the elitist nature of the constitution, despite claims by the then inclusive government that it was derived from a people driven process.

c) The aftermath of both the referendum and the enactment of the new constitution have been characterized by general government nonchalance as to the establishment of subsidiary enabling legislation. This is largely due to not only an evident lack of political will but the general disdain and disregard that the government has toward its own elite document. A disdain that stems from the fact that the new constitution is viewed as utilitarian only where and when and concerns power and the distribution of state largess as opposed to the advancement of ingrained democratic values into our political system and culture. That this can occur so soon after the supreme law came into effect demonstrates its clear disjuncture from the lived realities of the people.

1.8 It is therefore imperative that the new constitution be placed into its full political context so we come to an understanding as to its full import.

Such context would best be encapsulated in the following two points:
a) The new constitution, given the undemocratic and inorganic manner of its genesis cannot be viewed as a document that is indicative of national democratic arrival. The search for a new democratic, people driven constitution for Zimbabwe is still a journey that must be embarked on in a manner that includes but is not limited to political parties in government as is the current case.

b) That while the new constitution is a legal reality that cannot be avoided, all Zimbabweans must remain cognizant of its fundamental democratic inadequacies. Even if they were to get piecemeal changes via some of its clauses, these gains would remain a far off the mark with regard to the truly social democratic society that all Zimbabweans regardless of age, race, colour, gender and class deserve.

c) And lastly that in its legal reality, the new constitution, is not the panacea to our past, current and future problems with authoritarian rule or cosmetic and pretentious democratic governance. All Zimbabweans need to continue their search and conscious struggle for a social democratic society despite claims by political party leaders to a false narrative of arrival. This must be done with full knowledge of our past mistakes as a country and for posterity.

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Harare

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